Categories
Essays

How to Steal a Vibe: The Phenomenal Unity of Reality, the Mind-Body Problem, and the Blockchain of Consciousness

Idealism posits that all reality is grounded in mental states: to be is to be perceived. It offers a potential solution to the crippling dilemma of how to explain the relation between consciousness and the physical brain. If everything is mind, there cannot be a mind-body problem. In this essay I will present Yetter-Chappell’s nontheistic idealism and defend it from a series of challenges. Finally, I will respond to the most critical objection, which contests the existence of a unity-of-consciousness relation. I conclude that Yetter-Chappell’s metaphysics is an effective solution to the mind-body problem.

Note — this essay is pretty technical/analytic. If you want to skip to the end for my comments in natural English, and the stuff about stealing vibes and the blockchain of consciousness, feel free (although it misses some background).

Groundwork

There are two key desiderata of a successful idealism: it must account for (a) how objects are sustained when we no longer perceive them, and (b) the regularity of our perceptions of reality. Our intuitions require these explanations. If we stop observing a tree, and then return to its location later, why do we regularly experience similar impressions of the tree? A nontheistic idealism cannot resort to claiming that God keeps all things in mind, ensuring that the world appears to us consistently. If a theory is able to meet these standards, it is prima facie acceptable, and it can be compared against opposing explanations.

A critical issue for idealism: what explains the continued existence of non-perceived objects? (for example, the “tree falls in a forest and nobody hears it” problem)

In Yetter-Chappell’s view, reality is a “unity of consciousness” (6) where the same mental laws that structure our own experiences also bind together all experiences. For instance, my pencil exists separately from my mind, as it is also part of the phenomenal unity of reality (PUR). The PUR also binds together impressions of the pencil from every possible viewpoint. There are three relations that bind experiences together:

  1. Unity-of-consciousness relation: our myriad perceptions unify into a single conscious experience. I am aware of the music in my headphones and the color of the desk as aspects of one continuous conscious experience, rather than discrete experiences of two different consciousnesses.
  2. Objectual-unity relation: Sensations are combined into objects rather than remaining disjoint. My impressions of roughness and grayness are not separate; they are bound together into the object of a rock.
  3. Spatial-unity relations: Experiences occupy one shared space with a directional structure. For instance, the blue, hat-shaped part of this space is to the right of the silvery, laptop-shaped part.

These three laws bind together reality, not just my experiences. The PUR is an immense tapestry of perceptions woven together according to these laws. This phenomenal world can also behave according to the laws of physics (translated into idealist terms). These laws have a different metaphysical nature — they govern phenomenal systems, not physical ones — but the same functional role.

Perception occurs when a mind overlaps with certain pieces of the PUR. When I see a red pen, the aspects of the pen I am aware of (its redness, its shape) literally become part of my mind. Not all of the features of the pen are visible to me — e.g. I cannot look through it to see how much ink it contains — but I am aware of enough features to recognize it as a pen. The difference between perceptual and non-perceptual states, like hallucinations, is that in non-perceptual states the objects of my perception are “bound up in my unity of consciousness, but not the phenomenal unity that is reality” (8). (See diagram below). And while reality is governed by laws that ensure its regularity, hallucinations may not exhibit this same regularity.

A diagram of Yetter-Chappel’s theory of the phenomenal unity of reality, applied to three different cases

However, I am doubtful this approach allows us to differentiate the real and the imaginary. After all, non-perceptual experiences often display the same regular patterns as perceptual experiences. A dream can sometimes obey physical laws, and hallucinations can seem as coherent as “reality.” Do we simply have to wait until an aberration appears to know a dream is non-perceptual? If so, the skeptic can just claim the parts of a dream that display regularity are perceptual, even if the irregular parts are not. This violates our intuition that dreams are wholly non-perceptual. Furthermore, perceptual experiences often display irregularities — in optical illusions, different pieces of sense data directly contradict. It seems impracticable to distinguish between the PUR and the phenomenal unity of my mind. These are serious problems for Yetter-Chappell’s idealist view of perception.

Advantages

Ultimately, what are the epistemic advantages of Yetter-Chappell’s idealism? First, she argues it fulfills the “neglected epistemic virtue”: the objects we perceive are the truth-makers for our immediate perceptual judgements. This virtue is what makes my perceptual judgements about an object more valid than those of a blindsight patient who lacks sensory awareness but can still make correct judgements about the object.[1] In the PUR, objects of my perception literally constitute part of my mind, and so the objects are the most direct possible truth-makers for my perceptual judgements.

However, this epistemic virtue does not seem like not a genuine advantage of Yetter-Chappell’s metaphysics. Ifher theory is true, our perceptual judgements fulfill the neglected epistemic virtue. But this is an epistemic virtue of our perceptual judgements if the theory is true, not a benefit of the theory itself. This account might motivate us to believe Yetter-Chappell’s metaphysics, but it does not actually corroborate her theory. After all, under the metaphysical assumption that humans are omniscient, all human judgements would be farmore valid. But this is not a reason to believe the assumption is true.

Even if the first advantage falls through, the second benefit of nontheistic idealism is that it makes reality fundamentally intelligible. Under materialism, we can only discover the structure of the world (e.g. the geometry of space-time), but not its content. Materialists only characterize how physical entities like atoms relate to other physical entities. describe the intrinsic nature of these entities. But our experience presents us with a substantial reality and not just a relational structure. Since idealism explains the content of entities — they are fundamentally experiential — its picture of reality is more comprehensible.

Third, in Yetter-Chappell’s metaphysics, the world is exactly what it appears to be, and we are directly encountering reality. The things we perceive are real — precisely because we perceive them.[2] A critic could argue this is just a reason to want to believe an idealistic metaphysics, and not a support for its veracity. However, our intuitions suggest that our perceptions put us in contact with the real world: our experiences seem to contain real objects. In Yetter-Chappell’s idealism, this intuitive view is exactly the case. The world is what it appears to be. This is an epistemic advantage of her theory to the extent that concurring with intuitions makes a theory more valid.

What makes the butterfly real is not the brain, but the mind; the brain is an abstraction made by the mind.

Objections

Yetter-Chappell addresses two problems for her theory. First, it may create quantitative profligacy. If an object is “myriad sensory impressions” bound by the objectual unity relation (13), something as simple as a pen could have near-infinite aspects — one for each way it can be perceived. This seems more theoretically complex than materialism, where the pen is just an arrangement of particles. Thus parsimony may encourage us to reject this form of idealism. But is a theory where a pen is atoms better than a theory where a pen is 5sensory impressions? If so, why would the type and quantity of substance matter (no pun intended) for the parsimony of the theory? The answer is not obvious.

Second, the theory may suffer from explanatory disunity. Why does reality happen in a coherent way, regardless of the perspective it is viewed from? For example, if I flip the light switch, my perception of the room becoming dark happens in concert with the perceptions of my nearby friend, the scientist viewing the room from a distant telescope, and even the ants on the ground. In the materialist view, this coherence happens because we are all observing a mind-independent reality governed by physical laws. But if reality is a phenomenal unity that weaves distinct experiences together, will each experiential thread require different laws? If so, how do these laws work together?

How do ants perceive our cities? In this theory of idealism, an ant’s perception also influences the reality of the world, so however ants, pigeons, rats, and maybe even plants perceive the city — it matters.

There are at least two defenses. First, different experiences in the PUR are only as separate as different threads in a tapestry. If a force acts on one thread, it also acts on the tapestry. In the same way, if a change happens in single phenomenal unity within the PUR, the overarching structure of reality ensures that everything else in the PUR responds appropriately. For instance, when you chop an apple, you don’t need to cut the apple’s sphericalness and its redness separately. These two experiential aspects are bound together into the phenomenal unity of the apple. Since reality is also a phenomenal unity, acting on any single experiential thread will also affect other threads in a structured way according to the laws of the PUR. Second, a messier approach responds that there are lower-order laws that only apply to individual experiences, and higher-order laws that apply to reality as a whole.

While I have interspersed challenges of Yetter-Chappell’s view in my exposition so far, I will address an additional line of criticism: one that challenges her basic rules of consciousness. This approach strikes at the most vulnerable point of her idealist metaphysics, for if it succeeds, it would remove the glue that holds the PUR together. Specifically, multiple neuroscience experiments are possible counterexamples to the unity-of-consciousness relation. Dennett points to change-blindness experiments where subjects are not conscious of clearly visible changes that their eyes are sensing.[3] Nagel cites brain bisection experiments, where one hemisphere is aware of information the other half is unaware of.[4] And blindsight studies indicate that subjects can disassociate different aspects of their mind from each other.[5]

A neuroscientific explanation of the incredible phenomenon of blindsight.

However, this critique misunderstands Yetter-Chappell’s conception of the unity-of-consciousness relation. A better term for her concept may be phenomenal unity.[6] This is the relation experiences have when they are experienced together as components of a single phenomenal state: “you’re aware of these things together as though forming a single conscious experience” (4). I have myriad sensory, emotional, and cognitive experiences, but no matter how numerous or varied these experiences are, they all occur as constituents of a single phenomenal unity. In this conception, not all experience has to be available to the conscious mind, but the experience that is available must be part of a unified experience. Blindsight, change-blindness, and bisection experiments only demonstrate the subjects have limited access or multiple modes of access to their experience, and not that their phenomenal experience is disunified. Furthermore, in the bisection studies, it’s possible the subjects are switching between different streams of consciousness, rather than experiencing two disunified phenomenal states simultaneously. If that is the case, the subject is still experiencing one continuous phenomenal unity.

Is it even logically coherent to say that a phenomenal unity can be “split”?

Additionally, the notion of a split or disunified phenomenal experience is arguably incoherent. Disunified phenomenal states could only be found through introspection or phenomenology, not observation, as phenomenal states are only accessible to the one experiencing them. Therefore, I could only discover disunified phenomenal states by becoming aware of them. But if I am aware that I have separate phenomenal states, then there is clearly a higher phenomenal state which is aware of these sub-states. On the other hand, if I have a second phenomenal state which I am not aware of, then it is just another phenomenal unity separate from my mind.

Conclusively, Yetter-Chappell’s idealist metaphysics achieves the required desiderata by conceptualizing a phenomenal reality that exists beyond any individual mind, bound together by three basic laws of consciousness. This theory solves the mind-body problem by positing that only mind exists. In Ryle’s terms, a mind-matter dichotomy is a “category mistake”[7] — but in the idealist picture, it is matter that is the abstraction, not the mind. The brain is an abstract idea within the phenomenal unity of our minds, just as our minds are constituents of the PUR.

My own position

Spiciness of this paper: 🌶🌶🌶🌶/5

I think the theory is legitimate and the support is strong. I’ve always been attracted to metaphysical idealism because my grasp on reality is paper-thin and I don’t think things are at all what they seem to be. Realism and physicalism seem almost naïve. Is your theory of reality really just based on the fact that you can hit the wall and feel something there? However, I’ve had enough trouble explaining away the apparent regularity and continued existence of reality when my perception of it ceases that I haven’t truly believed idealism until now. I’ve been a metaphysical naturalist for too long. With this paper, idealism seems much more convincing, especially because this version does not posit the additional theoretical burden of a transcendent God — which might be fine, but would make it less accessible and meaningful to non-theists.

Yetter-Chappell’s paper is too short to establish a complete non-theistic idealism, but it’s a promising start. I don’t fully grasp the three relations of consciousness — they’re a bit slippery for me still. Each of them could be a paper by themselves, and I’m sure those papers already exist.

I’m intrigued by the possibility of a blockchain of consciousnessin which what constructs reality itself is a decentralized ledger created by interactions between consciousnesses. We essentially negotiate with other minds to create what we call “reality,” solving computationally complex problems in order to construct reality and mine tokens of qualia.

Use the concept of a blockchain, but replace “bitcoin” with “qualia.”

In this sense, the world is created by consciousness similarly to the way a virtual reality’s landscape is rendered. When I encounter another player, or even an NPC, our imaginations interact to construct the world that we both inhabit. And not just my surroundings, but my very appearance, and my identity a conscious subject, are dependent on my imaginative negotiation. In fact, this seems to be a logical consequence of Yetter-Chappell’s nontheistic idealism. I also exist, in a sense, because the Other exists: a Sartrean and Levinasian idea that rejects the cogito in favor of a more interpersonal grounding for the existence of the self:

My ability to say cogito at all “can be born only in consequence of my appearance for myself as an individual, and this appearance is conditioned by the recognition of the Other” (Sartre, Being and Nothingness, pg. 236)

For all we know, we are already in a virtual reality, where the headsets are our eyes and the cord is our ocular nerve: we are imagining the world around us, constructing it in a dialectical process with other minds.

This is also marginally similar to the process of discursive imaginative negotiation in childhood games — best exemplified by arguments between kids during the process of imagination and play. These debates can be about whether unicorns can fly, who gets to have the most magic, and who is the bad guy in the game. And they follow a general process. For instance, one kid posits an imaginative rule (unicorns cannot fly, you are the bad guy and I’m the good guy, magical snowmen melt in the summer). Another kid disagrees. Negotiation ensues. They hopefully negotiate until they come to some consensus that allows them to play on. If they don’t, then the game is over and they both stop pretending — the imaginative blockchain collapses because consensus cannot be reached.

My potential claim is that reality itself is constructed with a process that is fundamentally similar to the imaginative negotiation process kids use to construct their pretend landscape. In the same way as the kids generate an imagination, I may unconsciously imagine my entire surrounding landscape, generating it just as worlds in a game are generated.

This is not a solipsistic view — I am not solely responsible for my world, but my imagination (or Aristotle’s phantasia) cooperates with other imaginations to produce my reality. You cannot genuinely play a pretend game alone, and you cannot genuinely imagine a reality alone. Wittgenstein’s private language argument, demonstrating that one cannot have a genuine personal language, applies here. Without Others to challenge your imaginative constructions and to negotiate with you, these constructions have no content and no meaning. If I am pretending alone and I just declare that a stick is a wand, no one can question me. But what if I forget what I originally classified the stick as? Or what if I change my mind and decide that the stick is now a staff, a gun, or a dragon’s tail? There is no one to challenge me. Thus, the stick has infinite and almost indistinguishable meanings, and therefore no meaning at all. I could engrave a sign of a dragon or a wand on the stick, giving it some permanent meaning, but then I would not be using my own private language — I would be relying on a symbolic language that Others understand.

Words cannot have meaning without Others to verify their meaning and negotiate with you to determine their meaning. In the same way, objects in an imagined landscape cannot have meaning, content, structure, or stability without Others to negotiate with you as to their meaning. This is a powerful argument against solipsism for those who accept my form of “imaginative blockchain idealism.”

I think that there is inductive evidence for my imaginative blockchain idealism. Consciousness has some interesting similarities with the blockchain. Sounds kinda crazy, but hear me out for a second.

Just like nodes in the blockchain, consciousness is distributed. Each human within the tapestry of human consciousness is a distinct node in that immense network of humanity. And each can act individually. We can also act in concert with other humans, and in groups. We have autonomous functions that we share in common with all of humanity: the behaviors, psychologies, biological routines, that we all play out in sometimes synchronous ways. (E.g. millions of humans go to sleep and wake up at the same time). To put it in object-oriented programming terms, “human” is a Class, and every individual human is an Object, an instantiation of that Class. We all share the same fundamental functions (like sleep(), eat(), or move()) and many global variables (like is_mortal=True). Death is just our node in the network of consciousness switching from ON to OFF — our Object ceasing to exist while the Class remains in existence, along with billions of other Objects. Not so bad when you think of it that way, right?

In the blockchain, if a node is attempting to scam the blockchain community in some way, then individual nodes will fail to validate the transactions(s) and eventually the node will be excluded from the blockchain. This is a stretch, I know, but is it possible that being rejected for insanity is fundamentally equivalent to being excluded from a blockchain? During the process of the imaginative negotiation of what constitutes reality, the insane person usually loses, and therefore they are excluded from the network; they cannot see the reality that the community has agreed upon.

“But maybe that isn’t possible. Maybe the mind of the majority is always the healthy mind, simply by virtue of its numbers. Maybe it’s the definition of madness to believe I’m right and everyone else if wrong, to find my thoughts rational and reasonable when almost the entire world finds them damaged and flawed.” ― Stacey Jay, Of Beast and Beauty

This might even have metaphysical significance. If the Mad are not capable of participating in the imaginative negotiation process that defines our reality, if they cannot add nodes to the blockchain, then they are excluded from reality itself. Their decisions about what an imaginative prop might mean are taken as meaningless (e.g. they cannot label a stick as a wand; that is prohibited to them). Their words become empty and vacuous. Once other humans reject your words and see your behaviors as insane, you can no longer participate in in reality — which just reinforces your insanity. The network of the imaginative blockchain has perma-banned you. You are excluded from reality and must live alone in your own imagination. (For more see Foucalt, Madness and Civilization). Your imaginings become hallucinations.

Only those nodes that are in harmony with the paradigm of the blockchain, which constructs the phenomenal unity of reality, will thrive in this environment we call existence.

And our imaginations determine what the world is to a far greater degree than we think. For instance, what turns a metal fence into a border between nation-states? The metal fence is the supposed “sensory reality.” But the border, the nation-state — these are not sensory experiences. They are products of our imagination. “America,” “China,” “Africa,” “Seychelles,” “Mongolia” — all of these things exist not in my sensory experience, or in anyone else’s sensory experience, but in the collective imagination of humanity. In the same way, the process which turns a hunk of shaped wood into a “table,” that turns a pole into a “sign,” that turns a scribble of charcoal into a “language” — this is all the human imaginary. As you read this, you are staring at a series of shaped lines and imagining things. You are hallucinating language into existence. But your hallucinations have meaning, because they have passed the winnowing of imaginative negotiation and are agreed upon.

The fact that they are imaginary does not make these constructions any less real. After all, the human imagination has more impact on reality than gravity. That’s hyperbole. But it does seem that way given the human experience. it has more impact on our subjective, first-person, phenomenological experience — the only experience we truly know — than gravity. How much time do you spend thinking about gravity? How much time do you spend thinking about relationships, language, countries, economies, jobs, ethics, and other imagined human constructions? Which one shapes your direct subjective experience more?

One epistemic benefit of the imaginative blockchain concept, pointed out by my friend Blake, is that it effectively explains why humans and other complex objects are conscious while less complex objects like plants, rocks, and atoms are not conscious: humans are able to solve computational problems required for consciousness and qualia. Just as one’s computer has to solve an intricate mathematical problem to produce or “mine” one bitcoin, and an actual mining company has to solve a physical problem to extract one ton of gold from the Earth, perhaps one’s mind has to solve a complex computational problem to produce one (1) qualia. Essentially, the reason why an abacus cannot mine bitcoin while a supercomputer can is the same reason why a human can experience qualia while a hunk of wood cannot. Humans have qualia because we have the computational complexity to solve the problems of the consciousness-blockchain. To oversimplify, we have vibes because we are complex enough to generate them.

Just as a bitcoin mining machine can request the network for one bitcoin, perhaps one mind can request the trans-phenomenal unity of reality for one qualia. One vibe please, sir.

If this theory seems non-rigorous or speculative that’s because it is. This theory is still very vague to me, but I will try to specify it later. I will probably end up turning this into a full paper once I’ve nailed down some of the concepts. Always appreciate criticism, comments, and questions.

If the word qualia doesn’t make sense to you, essentially think of it as a vibe. Certain things have vibes: what they are “like” to experience that thing. E.g. because a bat has experiences, even if they are not necessarily conscious, it has a kind of vibe — a qualia. And it’s impossible to know a bat’s vibe — see Nagel’s What Is It Like To Be a Bat? (A better name for this paper: How To Vibe With a Bat?). Think of qualia as a technical word for vibe, where its definition is an individual instance of subjective, conscious experience. When you see and eat a mango, for example, its yellow-ness, taste, and texture constitute aspects of its qualia: the vibe of the mango.

And here we go off the deep end: maybe mentally ill people, through hallucinations and other “irreal” experiences, or neurotypical people, through psychedelics, spirituality, and other transcendent experiences, can hack the blockchain of consciousness and experience qualia that they are not ‘meant’ to experience. In the same way that we can counterfeit currency and (conceptually possible) hack blockchains to produce unearned cryptocurrency, we may be able to bypass the authentication methods of the phenomenal unity of reality to experience incomprehensible thingsWe can escape the vibe check, and generate vibes at will. We can bootstrap vibes. Or in more philosophical terms, we can experience qualia without going through the imaginative negotiation process. (An individual generating qualia alone may be preempted by my previous section on the private language argument though).

To close, it’s important to remember Jung’s words: “Beware of unearned wisdom.” It’s not clear how we should react to unearned qualia and stolen vibes. We should investigate more.

What happens when you hack the blockchain of consciousness and steal undeserved qualia from the universe? Who prosecutes vibe-crimes, qualia-theft, and consciousness-?

Citations

[1] Johnston, M. (2011), On A Neglected Epistemic Virtue. Philosophical Issues, 21: 165–218. doi:10.1111/j.1533–6077.2011.00201.x

[2] Note the possibility of non-perceptual experiences like hallucinations, which a Yetter-Chappell idealist would not characterize as “real.” However, these experiences are also not perceptions.

[3] Dennett, Daniel C. (1991). Consciousness Explained. New York: Little, Brown. Pg. 361–362.

[4] Nagel, Thomas (1971). Brain bisection and the unity of consciousness. Synthese, 22 (May): 396–413.

[5] Marcel, A.J. (1993). Slippage in the unity of consciousness. Ciba Foundation symposium, 174, 168–80.

[6] Bayne, Tim (2007). The Unity of Consciousness: a cartography. Cartographies of the Mind. 201–210.

[7] Ryle, G. (2009). The Concept of Mind. London, UK: Routledge.

Categories
Essays

Buying Education

“His name, Socrates, is Evenus, he comes from Paros, and his fee is five minas,” responds Callias when the gadfly of Athens asks who can cultivate excellence in the youth (Plato, The Apology, 20c). Two millennia later, students continue attempting to purchase excellence, as shown by the modern form of Callias’ reply: “its name is Dartmouth, based in Hanover, and its tuition is $51,468 USD.” Commodifying education, reducing it to an economic service bought for “so moderate a fee” as mere money (20c), produces a neoliberal pedagogy that converts our educational system into the mass-produced equivalent of the Greek sophists. This educational model treats schools as corporate assets and alienates students like Holden, who are more interested in authentic inquiry than the formulaic absorption of information. Plato’s conception of meaningful education (paideia) cannot be purchased and is harmed by treating education as a commodity, as shown by the inadequacy of the paid sophists in The Apology and the failure of 20th century American schools like Pencey Prep in The Catcher in the Rye.

Socrates vs the Sophists

A core component of Socrates’ mentorship is his refusal of payment. In his final defense, he emphatically denies that he would ever “undertake to teach people and charge a fee for it” (Plato, 19e), and in fact admits he lives in “great poverty because of his service” (30d). This separates him from the sophists, wandering educators who accept payments for philosophical, rhetorical, or literary training, and purport to offer their students valuable knowledge and even wisdom. An analog to modern for-hire consultants, the sophists teach instrumental “arts of success” (where success is measured in fame, money, and performance), rather than encouraging progress towards excellence (Rowe; Deron). The sophists argue that their services foster excellence, implying that excellence can indeed be bought; a clear contrast to Plato’s argument that “wealth does not bring about excellence, but excellence makes wealth and everything else good for men” (28). Due to their flawed methods and their role as paid tutors over philosophers, the sophists are a key enemy of the type of education advocated throughout Plato’s works.

Unlike sophists, Socrates does not vend his mental goods to the highest bidder or allow students to “mindlessly swallow the conclusions of their mentors” (Boutros). Rather, he questions them and uses this dialectic to lead them to aporia, a state of uncertain possibility which urges Socrates’ students to “discover within themselves a multitude of beautiful things, which they bring forth into the light” (Plato, Theaetetus, 150d). The sophists employ methods of rote learning rather than the dialectic. With Socrates, students learn valuable mental skills and perhaps even wisdom, instead of mere tokens of information “they can buy from time to time for a drachma” (25). Even if this is more painful – the student is often “distressed and annoyed at being so dragged…into the light of the sun” (Republic, 515) – it is infinitely more rewarding.

Socrates was almost the polar opposite of a sophist or a money-seeking educational consultant. Treating education as a transaction defaces and vandalizes the Socratic model of education.

Treating education as a transaction encourages students to think of their teachers as vendors and themselves as consumers, a concept antithetical to Plato’s ideals of education. Even more fundamentally, the very nature of a transaction requires sophists to provide a good, as “in order to give people their ‘money’s worth,’” sophists must offer an answer their students can ‘get’ or utilize (Boyles). As Socrates does not request payment, he does not have to provide a good. This allows him to ask questions rather than offer answers. An emphasis on the ‘exchange value’ of education prevents Socrates’ dialectical route to excellence.

Catching Education in the Rye

certificate paper
Is education more than just an economic service, a factory made for producing diplomas?

This use of the methods of the sophists and focus on exchange value leads Holden to abandon formal schooling; he is relentlessly cynical about the education his parents attempt to purchase for him, despite its “good academic rating” (Salinger, 6). He rejects slogans claiming that prep schools mold exceptional people – “they don’t do any damn more molding at Pencey than they do at any other school,” and if anyone there is splendid and clear-thinking, “they probably came to Pencey that way” (Salinger, 4). Consistent with this premise, Holden’s formal education has little, if any, impact on his character.

Furthermore, when the wealthy alumnus Ossenburger gives a speech, Holden recognizes the influence of money in education: “he gave Pencey a pile of dough, and they named our wing after him…he made a speech that lasted about ten hours” (28). After all, if Pencey can produce wealthy students, the school is more likely to receive donations and tuition in the future. In the natural selection of education, schools that generate wealth survive; those that fail die. This requires schools to design policies and pedagogies that encourage monetary survival. As such, Holden sees that the school only celebrates the alumni for their success, not excellence or wisdom. By pretending to be wise, Ossenburger commits the fallacy of the craftsmen in The Apology: “each of them, because of his success at his craft, thought himself very wise in most other important pursuits” (Plato, 22e). While those around him assume Ossenburger’s achievements imply he must be wise, Holden refuses to accept what he calls ‘phony’ wisdom.

When teachers manage to inspire Holden in substantial ways, they are almost never ‘on duty,’ exchanging information in exchange for tuition. Instead, they are simply conversing with him out of genuine interest. In these conversations, they employ the questioning dialectic of Socrates rather than the lectures of the sophists. For example, when Mr. Spencer lectures Holden on his failure to memorize Egyptian history, as he “knew absolutely nothing,” Holden can’t bring himself to care: he merely reflects “I had to sit there and listen to that crap” (Salinger, 13). Mr. Spencer tells Holden what a curious and aspiration-filled adolescent absolutely cannot bear to hear: “life is a game one plays by the rules” (12). Similarly, in his oral expression course, Holden’s teacher Mr. Vinson would not allow diversion from the curriculum, punishing a student who explored beyond the limit by “yelling ‘Digression!’ at him all the time” and flunking him in the course (102). The sophist-like emphasis of his teachers on rote knowledge drains Holden’s interest in education and encourages passivity.

On the other hand, Holden calls Mr. Antolini “about the best teacher I ever had,” as he showed genuine care for the students – he picked up James Castle, who committed suicide, and “didn’t even give a damn if his coat got all bloody” (125). And Antolini uses the Socratic dialectic rather than a one-sided speech: he begins his conversation with a complex question, requiring Holden to respond even though he “didn’t feel much like thinking and answering and all” (128). In fact, almost all the dialogue Antolini directs at Holden ends with a question mark. Instead of lecturing Holden for failing in school, he asks, “What was the trouble?” and instead of accepting Holden’s complaints about Mr. Vinson’s ‘digression’ rule, Antolini asks a “short, faintly stuffy, pedagogical question. Don’t you think there’s a time and place for everything?” (130). Antolini encourages Holden to keep pushing past the mindless, exchange-like forms of education:

“Once you get past all the Mr. Vinsons, you’re going to start getting closer and closer–that is, if you want to, and if you look for it and wait for it–to the kind of information that will be very, very dear to your heart.”

Salinger, Catcher in the Rye, 131.

Like Socrates, Antolini does not offer education as a good, but instead prompts Holden to seek learning as a form of self-actualization.

Achievement Orientation

Many students, especially at elite colleges, tend to commodify knowledge as a tool for career success rather than something that could transform living. David Brooks, a professor at Yale, said that “most spiritual institution I would go into is Whole Foods,” but he still noticed that his students had a “hunger for spiritual knowledge” (where spiritual is defined broadly). Prof. Brooks wrote that most universities and especially ‘elite’ colleges suffer from

“a combination of academic and career ­competitiveness and a lack of a moral and romantic vocabulary that has created a culture that is professional and not poetic, pragmatic and not romantic. The head is large, and the heart and soul are backstage.”

Brooks, The Cultural Value of a Christian Higher Education.

In many ways education has become a marketplace that treats students as consumers. Most students have internalized this framework. Just as our future employers would want us to, we students tend ask incessantly “how will we use this in the real world,” where sadly the “real world” is almost always used to refer to the workplace. In his groundbreaking Man’s Search for Meaning, Victor Frankl criticizes this same drive to commodify, measure, and mobilize every piece of knowledge for career achievement or economic value-creation. He calls it the achievement orientation

“But today’s society is characterized by achievement orientation, and consequently it adores people who are successful and happy and, in particular, it adores the young. It virtually ignores the value of all those who are otherwise, and in so doing blurs the decisive difference between being valuable in the sense of dignity and being valuable in the sense of usefulness. If one is not cognizant of this difference and holds that an individual’s value stems only from his present usefulness, then, believe me, one owes it only to personal inconsistency not to plead for euthanasia along the lines of Hitler’s program, that is to say, ‘mercy’ killing of all those who have lost their social usefulness, be it because of old age, incurable illness, mental deterioration, or whatever handicap they may suffer. Confounding the dignity of man with mere usefulness arises from conceptual confusion that in turn may be traced back to the contemporary nihilism transmitted on many an academic campus and many an analytical couch.”

Viktor Frankl, Man’s Search for Meaning, pg. 152.

We see this paradigm everywhere in modern education. The standardized tests that almost all students condemn are a manifestation of achievement orientation. So is the tendency to ask “how will this be useful in real life?” As is the algorithmic drive to accumulate extracurriculars, maximize scores, and optimize GPAs. In college, you will likely see the way students commodify themselves, treating themselves as mere resumes or objects of future employment, taking classes only to add to their set of cashable knowledge and skills. These phenomena are not evil or execrable. They have positive value. But they cannot constitute value, and they are not education as paideia in the Platonic sense. They are not components of what Maeser often calls classical education.

The Commodification of Learning

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Is education just a product like any other – a commodity?

To put this literary theory in concrete modern terms, education in America is increasingly conceived merely as an economic service. This perspective was endorsed by the Department of Education, which emphasized measuring educational outcomes by their market value:

The commission envisions higher education as “an industry” that produces a commodity, a product that is exchangeable in a market of goods and services and so measurable by a quantifiable universal equivalent that permits of exchange and fungibility (my iron is worth x amount of your cotton; my increased skill in manipulating mathematical, verbal, or computer languages is worth x amount of purchasing power).

(Miller)

Put most cynically, the primary objective of our modern educational system is to manufacture “passive worker/citizens with just enough skills to render themselves useful to the demands of capital” (Hill). Since The Catcher in the Rye was published, the education industry, composed of for-profit colleges, learning websites, and giants like Pearson, has skyrocketed: it is worth approximately $1.9 trillion and grows by almost 8% each year (2U Inc). This makes it the second-largest industry by total worth in the United States, surpassed only by healthcare (“Industry Overview”). Much of this industry is characterized by a “gold rush” to capitalize the $500 billion of government assets being redistributed from public schooling to the marketplace (Hill). Modern education seems to be a form of neoliberal, industrialized sophism.

These powerful market forces are writing our curriculums. Increasingly, our educational policy is dictated by economic interests. In the US, many schools are evaluated by a set of educational assessments called PARCC, developed by the for-profit Pearson company, which are meant to evaluate career readiness and ensure student knowledge has market value (Sanchez). The focus on unquantifiable critical thinking that makes Socrates and Mr. Antolini effective mentors is also precisely what makes them “abject failures” by modern standards, with their emphasis on “formalizable, repeatable data points representing operational knowledge, skill sets, and material mastery” (Miller). The trend of commodifying education, which started with the profitable Greek sophistry of Plato’s time, has no end in sight – a miserable prospect for alienated students like Holden.

Works Cited

Plato. The Apology. Trans. John Cooper. Cambridge: Hackett Publishing Company, 1997. Print.

Plato. Theaetetus. Trans. John Cooper. Cambridge: Hackett Publishing Company, 1997. Print.

Salinger, J.D. The Catcher in the Rye. Boston: Brown and Company, 1951. Print.

Boutros, Victor. “Spelunking with Socrates: A Study of Socratic Pedagogy in Plato’s Republic.” Paideia: Journal of the 20th World Philosophy Congress. 10 Aug 1998. Web. 2 Feb 2018.

Miller, Paul Allen. “The Repeatable and the Unrepeatable: Žižek and the Future of the Humanities, or: Assessing Socrates.” Symplokē, vol. 17, no. 1-2, 2009, pp. 7–25. JSTOR. N.d. Web. 5 Feb 2018.

Boyles, Deron. “Sophistry, Dialectic, and Teacher Education: A Reinterpretation of Plato’s Meno.” George State University Press: Philosophy of Education Archive. N.d. Web. 6 Feb 2018.

Rowe, C.J. “Plato on the Sophists as Teachers of Virtue.” History of Political Thought, Vol. 4, No. 3 (Winter 1983), pp. 409-427. N.d. Web. 6 Feb 2018.

Sanchez, Claudio. “Obama’s Impact on America’s Schools. Npr.org. National Public Radio: Education. 13 Jan 2017. Web. 6 Feb 2018.

“2U Inc. To Acquire GetSmarter.” 2U.com. 2 May 2017. Web. 6 Feb 2018.

“Industry Overview: Education.” Wetfeet.com. 3 Dec 2012. Web. 6 Feb 2018.

Hill, Dave. “Revolutionizing Pedagogy; education for social justice within and beyond global neoliberalism: Class, Capital, and Education in this Neoliberal and Neoconservative Period.” Social Policy Research Centre. 2009. Web. 6 Feb 2018.

Brooks, David. “The cultural value of Christian higher education.” CCCU Advance 7, no. 1 (2016): 47-52.

Categories
Cognitive Science Essays Politics

Two Ways to Promote Positivity and Disrupt Echo Chambers

Social media algorithms are the unseen forces modifying our minds and swaying our societies. Most of us have no idea how they work. We just accept their results. Only a few programmers, product managers, and executives know the full details, and even fewer can change these systems. But they have an immense influence on our world. In 2019, around 72% of adults in the United States were on at least social media site (Pew Research). These algorithms especially shape our individual mental lives, affecting who and what we are exposed to. Should these algorithms take a stand on which emotions are better than others? Should they, for example, promote joy and compassion above anger? I think the answer is yes. I’ll also argue that these algorithms should disrupt echo chambers by introducing semi-random content into newsfeeds.

Weighing Love above Anger?

Reactions on Facebook (anything beyond a ‘like’) are weighted higher by the newsfeed algorithm. If you react with an emotion to a post, you’re more likely to see more of that item than if you simply like it. But right now – as far as we know – the algorithm weights all of the different emotions equally (Hootsuite). That should change! Specifically, anger’s weight should be reduced. Positive emotions should carry more weight.

Should Facebook take a position on which emotions are weighed more highly? Maybe the algorithm should instead weight love, laughter, and care highest, then surprise, then sadness, and finally anger the lowest. Mere likes would stay the lowest of all, as they represent lower engagement. This would make news-feeds more positive, promote better thinking, and maybe reduce divisiveness. It might counteract the dominance of anger on social media.

Social media is already filled with emotional contagion. Social media networks tend to create clusters of people who experience synchronized waves of similar emotions (Coviello et al 2014). Do we have to let anger spread like an unfettered pandemic? Or can we encourage more positive emotions instead?

Right now, anger-producing content spreads most quickly on social media. One study found that angry content is more likely to go viral, followed by joy, while sad or disgust-provoking content results in the most subdued reactions (Fan et al 2013). This rewards fringe content, ‘fake news,’ or stuff that makes people mad – and might explain why Fox News is the top publisher on Facebook by total engagement.

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A social media network colored by emotions (from Fan et al). Notice the density & clustering of the red (anger) networks, while green (joy) is more scattered and noisy. This graph also includes black (disgust) and blue (sadness).

Our psychology encourages us to react rapidly to anger and fear, and to share bad news. This has evolutionary advantages: info about potential dangers circulates swiftly. But it also arguably hurts our society and encourages reactive, angry, tribalist, and even hateful thinking. Anger-producing content activates Kahneman’s System 2 – fast, instinctive, emotional. Anger suppresses the more deliberate, slower, and more careful side of the mind. For example, research finds that angry people are more likely to stereotype, rely more on simple heuristics, and their judgements rely far more on the person who is telling them the message than the actual content of the message (Bodenhausen et al 1994). Anger clouds thinking.

“Angry people are not always wise.”

― Jane Austen, Pride and Prejudice

On the other hand, positive emotions make our thinking more creative, integrative, flexible, and open to information (Fredrickson 2003). And these emotions speak for themselves; they just feel better. This also translates into health benefits. People who experience more positive emotions tend to live longer (Abel & Kruger 2010). Meanwhile, anger increases blood pressure, and leads to tons of other harmful physiological impacts associated with stress (Groër et al 1994). Positive emotions like compassion enhance the immune system while anger weakens and inhibits immune reactions (Rein et al 1995). Laughter alone improves immune responses (Brod et al 2014). Promoting more positive emotions on social media could not only improve our thinking and reduce waves of anger-fueled divisiveness and misinformation. On a population level, it could promote health and longevity. It could even help slightly strengthen immune systems and enhance our resilience to the current pandemic.

boy singing on microphone with pop filter
Social media as it exists currently amplifies the voices of the angriest. It doesn’t need to be that way.

Objections to this Change

I’m not sure about this idea. There are lots of complexities to take into account. Any algorithm change would likely have countless unknown and unintended consequences. It’s hard to know what externalities this would create. For example, if sadness is given lower weight, important news about sad events throughout the world (e.g. genocide in Myanmar) will become even more obscure and hidden. Favoring positive emotions may result in ignorance of a different kind. As the positivity-favoring algorithm glosses over or suppresses info associated with negative emotions, we may become less aware of problems in the world.

My response to this is simple. First, yes, I think changing the algorithm will be hard and complex. But this is not an argument against the change. It just means developers and decision-makers who implement the new algorithm need to be careful and forward-looking. The change should be tested thoroughly before it’s rolled out globally. Data scientists should examine the effects of the new algorithm and look for subtle unintended effects. Facebook should also be transparent about the changes and play close attention to user feedback. My assumption in this post that Facebook will not botch the changes and will take all these sensible precautions and more.

Some people might argue this change would be too paternalistic. Facebook should not intervene to promote our supposed best interests. Social media networks should not take a position on which human emotions are ‘better.’ However, Facebook is already taking an implicit stance. The structure of social media already favors anger. Accepting the default is taking a tacit stand in favor of an anger-promoting system. It would be impossible for Facebook to be completely neutral on this issue. Any algorithm will inevitably favor some emotions over others. So why not make a stand for more positive emotions? This would not infringe on anyone’s freedoms. If anything, it would liberate us from the restrictive, rationality-undermining, mind-consuming effects of anger.

This intervention is better understood as a ‘nudge.’ In their book Nudge, the economists Prof. Thaler and Prof. Sunstein argued that there are a variety of societal changes we can make that don’t reduce anyone’s freedom but promote better choices. For example, managers of school cafeterias can put healthier foods at eye level, while placing junk food in places that are harder for kids to reach. This doesn’t restrict choice – the kids can still access the junk food. But it influences choice in a positive direction. The authors use the name choice architecture for any system that affects our decisions. Choice architectures inevitably favor some choices over others. For instance, if the junk food is placed at eye level instead, that would encourage more unhealthy choices.

On social media, the choice architecture is the social media feed that presents a range of choices (posts) to interact with. No architecture is neutral, and right now, Facebook’s algorithm favors more anger-promoting choices. Modifying the architecture to favor positive emotions like love and empathy would not infringe on freedoms. It would only nudge our choices in a better direction by presenting more positivity-promoting content. It would even enhance our freedom by preventing our brains from being hijacked by anger.

Archipelagos of Echo Chambers

See you next time :-) | I'm off for some adventures, will be… | Flickr

Online social networks are made up of countless small islands of thought. These are often called echo chambers. The more extreme the thoughts, the wider the gulf that separates them from the world, and the more insular the island becomes. Research shows that political party groupings which are further apart in ideological terms interact less, and that individuals at the extreme ends of the ideological scale are particularly likely to form echo chambers (Bright 2017). For example, on climate change, most people are segregated into “skeptic” or “activist” groups (Williams et al 2015). People within chambers tend to accept & spread clearly false information if it confirms the group’s beliefs (Bessi et al 2015). Social media has almost definitely contributed to today’s extreme ideological polarization.

The borders between chambers are often hard to see from within a chamber. But these borders are psychologically enforced. People engage less with cross-cutting content from outside their echo chamber (Garimella et al 2018). This same study found that people who create more bipartisan, cross-cutting content pay the price of less engagement. And people tend to interact positively with people within their group, while interactions with outsiders are more negative. The people who build rafts & attempt to sail over to neighboring islands are met with either silence or a flurry of arrows. Bridging the gaps between echo chambers is not easy.

Randomness to Disrupt Echoes

I have a very simple suggestion to break up echo chambers: the algorithm should introduce some randomness. This is content that is chosen without input from the normal newsfeed algorithm. It might be semi-randomly selected from people we follow, or even from beyond our limited social networks. This increases novelty and introduces us to content that we wouldn’t expect. It reduces echo chambers by exposing us to content outside our well-curated worlds. It encourages more open and critical thinking. Plus, Facebook’s machine learning algorithms may learn more from our reactions to this novel info and offer better content in the future.

Randomness would help bridge the divides between information islands on social media. Right now, the only thing that interrupts the insularity of these islands are the people who dare to cross the seas between them. Sailing between islands is disincentivized by the fact that people who cross the divides between echo chambers are often spurned or ignored, while people who stay within their islands are rewarded with engagement and shares. Adding a random element to the newsfeed is like adding a spaceship to the social media archipelago, picking up info from one island and dropping it onto another. Like the San tribe in the South African comedy The Gods Must be Crazy, who have to deal with a Coca-Cola bottle that falls from the sky, we’ll encounter unpredictable content that interferes with our comfortable and restrictive echo chambers.

Categories
Essays Literature

Goddamn Money

“Goddam money. It always ends up making you blue as hell,” concludes Holden after not giving a sufficient donation (in his own view) to a pair of poor nuns (Salinger 61). Salinger’s Catcher in the Rye and the film Billy Elliot show that differences in socioeconomic status make both the privileged and the poor “blue as hell”: the lower class feels bitterness towards the elites and their expensive leisure activities, while the wealthy experience guilt for these activities that separate them from the working poor. The stories of Billy and Holden illustrate this double-sided alienation and show the pervasive role of class in all modern life, even for adolescents. Holden, as a member of the upper-class leisure society, feels guilty and alienated in interactions with people who “don’t have too much dough,” and Billy Elliot’s impoverished family show their resentment of the leisure society through their animosity towards ballet.

Throughout the Catcher in the Rye, Holden pays immaculate attention to informing us how much money he has or is spending, telling us minor details like how much he sold his typewriter for (29) and the exact amount of change he skipped across the pond (84). These details show how Holden tends to “size up his surroundings, his friends, his family and his situation in general in monetary terms,” as money is mentioned in every chapter and often plays a significant role in the plot (Pearlman 3). Furthermore, he recognizes that he is “pretty loaded” (29) and that his father is a “quite wealthy” corporate lawyer, who “really hauls it in” (38). Clearly, Holden is ‘class conscious,’ almost to an extreme degree. This constant awareness of his monetary status tinges his relationships with other characters.

Whenever Holden encounters someone noticeably less wealthy than himself, his awareness of their difference in status makes him feel guilt and sadness. When he sees two Catholic nuns eating a simple breakfast, Holden recognizes his socioeconomic status and reflexively feels guilty, saying “that depressed me. I hate it if I’m eating bacon and eggs or something and somebody else is only eating toast and coffee” (59). He could tell the same nuns could not afford the classy restaurants that Holden’s family routinely attended, and the fact that the nuns “never went anywhere swanky for lunch” made him sad as well: “I knew it wasn’t important, but it made me sad anyway” (63). Like many wealthy individuals, Holden tried to alleviate his guilt through philanthropy, giving ten dollars to the nuns for their charity collection. This proves to be a pointless attempt, as Holden still feels guilty for not giving enough: “After they left, I started getting sorry that I’d only given them ten bucks for their collection” (61). His interaction with the nuns exemplifies the way class influences social relations: a signifier of class (simple breakfast of toast and coffee) makes the wealthy aware of their status, causing guilt, which the wealthy attempt to assuage by giving.

Sometimes, Holden finds these differences in wealth, and the emotions they generate, almost intolerable. He even says that “I can even get to hate somebody, just looking at them, if they have cheap suitcases with them” (59). Due to a past experience, Holden associates cheap luggage with guilt. His roommate at Elkton Hills, Slagle, had very inexpensive suitcases. Holden says this “depressed the holy hell out of me, and I kept wanting to throw mine out or something, or even trade with him” so that Slagle would not have a “goddam inferiority complex” (59). Slagle hid his suitcases under the bed, and called Holden “bourgeois” for having expensive Mark Cross suitcases and a nice fountain pen. Even though Holden liked Slagle’s for his “helluva good sense of humor,” their difference in class separated the roommates, as “it’s really hard to be roommates with people if your suitcases are much better than theirs” (60). Even though Holden can recognize abstractly that superficial things like suitcases are unimportant, in his concrete relations with lower-class people, he cannot ignore these signifiers of wealth.

File:Jan Steen - Beware of Luxury (“In Weelde Siet Toe”) - Google ...
Jan Steen – Beware of Luxury (“In Weelde Siet Toe”). Depicts the chaotic luxury of a middle-class family.

Despite being a member of the wealthy American elite, Holden shows revulsion and indignation at the greed and ostentatious privilege of the society he was born into. For example, he associates wealth with deceit: “the more expensive a school is, the more crooks it has–I’m not kidding” (2). When the wealthy alumnus Ossenburger gives a speech, Holden is cynical about the entire affair: “he gave Pencey a pile of dough, and they named our wing after him… he came up to school in this big goddam Cadillac, and we all had to stand up in the grandstand and give him a locomotive–that’s a cheer” (28). His language implies that Holden finds the alumnus’ speech and display of wealth pathetic, recognizing that Ossenberger is only celebrated for monetary success and not for excellence. Holden is also disgusted at the way his wealthy aunt refuses to help the poor without displaying her superior status, as he “couldn’t picture her doing anything for charity if she had to wear black clothes and no lipstick” (63).

Finally, even though his father is a lawyer, Holden says that lawyers seem phony and do not appeal to him, as they just “make a lot of dough and play golf and…buy cars and drink Martinis and look like hot-shots” (92). He intuitively recognizes those who have gained position through phoniness and hypocrisy, seeing that for the wealthy, “charity work becomes a social event for wealthy ladies, philanthropy becomes a means of self-glorification for successful businessmen” (Bungert). One of the many ironies of the novel is that despite being a member of the privileged class and a “spendthrift” who can burn through a “king’s ransom” in two weeks (58), Holden disdains the pretentious exhibitions of wealth that surround him.

Some reviewers argue that Salinger’s depiction of a profoundly class-conscious Holden is unrealistic and inaccurate. In reality, these readers of the novel might argue, only poor students recognize their class and the disadvantages it entails, while rich students are unaware of their privilege; the awareness of socioeconomic status does not extend to both sides. In John Fowles’ novel The Collector, a character reads the Catcher in the Rye and remarks “It’s not realistic. Going to a posh school and his parents having money. He wouldn’t behave like that” (Whitfield 6). The observations that Holden makes throughout the novel are uncharacteristic of a privileged and wealthy private school student. For instance, when Mr. Spencer insists that “life is game that one plays according to the rules,” Holden recognizes that it’s only a game if one is on the winning side – “if you get on the other side, where there aren’t any hot-shots, then what’s a game about it? Nothing” (6). But as a rich, white, intelligent, able-bodied, and well-educated male child in a stable, nuclear family in 1950s America, isn’t Holden on the winning side? Critics of Salinger’s portrayal might ask: what possible experiences of oppression would prompt Holden to point out that life is only a game for the privileged?

While it may be true that Holden is exceptionally perceptive or socially informed, and that Salinger exaggerates the class awareness of wealthy students, research shows that awareness of socioeconomic status is the rule and not the exception among American students. According to a study of socioeconomic status (SES) in education, SES accounted for the highest percentage of variance in student self-esteem, verifying that low-SES students like Slagle can experience what Holden calls an ‘inferiority complex’ (Pearlman 5). This study also found that like Holden, adolescents “gather information about variations in speech, dress, and residence” to determine social class, and often avoid the discomfort of interacting with people of different backgrounds, preferring “class homogenous” relationships. By the time American children leave secondary school, they (like Holden) have already learned to distinguish between the ‘haves’ and the ‘have-nots’ – noticing the quality of other’s suitcases, what they eat for lunch, whether they say “he don’t” instead of “he doesn’t” (Salinger 73), and how they are dressed (87). Salinger’s portrayal is a realistic account of the way adolescents learn how to navigate our stratified society.

pair of brown ballerina shoes
Why is Billy’s family so opposed to ballet? Partly because it’s a symbol of the leisure class.

On the other hand, the story of Billy Elliot illustrates the plight of working-class students who attempt to engage with traditionally upper-class leisure activities. When Billy attempts to pursue his dream to be a ballet dancer, his father and brother spurn his aspirations and ballet itself. They label Billy as a “poof” (effeminate or homosexual man), and assert that “frigging ballet” is for “lasses” (Billy Elliot). Based on this language, most assume that Billy’s family despise ballet because it subverts traditional masculinity. While this explains part of their antagonism, many forget that another key component of their hostility is ballet’s role as a symbol of elitist, upper-class ‘high art.’ As Lee Hall, the writer of Billy Elliot, said in an interview:

I grew up in an industrial working-class community. Art, theatre, poetry – and certainly ballet dancing – were seen as ridiculous and for posh people. [But] working-class people have always been creative. For centuries they have had their own art forms. It has been crucial to those communities, but they have been told that “high art isn’t for you,” and that has been absorbed by them.

(Smith)

This concept of ‘high art’ exemplifies the way the wealthy use culture to elevate themselves and exclude others. In his Theory of the Leisure Class, Thorstein Veblen argues that the elites use ‘cultural capital’ to signal their privilege and their “conspicuous abstention from labor,” engaging in leisure activities like “learning dead languages,” ballet, literature, art, and practicing “what is known as polite usage, decorum, and ceremonial observances” (Veblen 15). The liberty to engage in non-productive leisure is one of many signals of wealth, used to separate the rich from those who have to work for a living.

Especially in the context of the strike and the poverty that came with it, Billy’s family and community despised these unproductive leisure activities of the extravagantly rich. Ballet, historically an activity for wealthy female courtiers, was a symbolic embodiment of the elite. High arts originated with the aristocracy, and participation in them is mostly still limited to the rich. The largest existing study of class-based consumption of high art found that the college-educated wealthy are 58% more likely to go to a museum, 55% more likely to attend a play, 34% more likely to read literature, and 47% more likely to listen to classical music than members of the working class (DiMaggio 12). Therefore, ballet symbolizes the exclusive elitism of the policymakers and capitalists who Billy’s family perceived as oppressive enemies of the working class. The miners “want to live, and have to sell themselves; but they despise him who exploits their necessity and purchases the workman” (Nietzsche). This necessity to work excludes the workman from unpaid artistic expression, causing resentment towards those who use leisure activities like ballet to conspicuously display their freedom from labor.

This enmity towards ballet as an elitist activity is revealed, for example, when Billy’s brother Tony yells a class-based insult at Sandra Wilkinson, the dance teacher: “If you go near him again, I’ll smack you, you middle-class cow.” While middle-class is typically a non-pejorative term in the modern world, Tony saw the middle-class as an ally of the elite, as they had the privilege to abstain from the strike and thus were passive bystanders in the oppression of the lower class. Sandra shows her unawareness of the miner’s working-class struggle, for example, by saying “it was just fifty pence a session, you know. I can do without it. I don’t do it for the money.” First, she assumes that fifty pence is very little, when this is a substantial amount to a family who has to destroy a piano for firewood. Second, she has the luxury of ‘not doing it for the money,’ and thus is a member of the leisure class who can afford to participate in unpaid diversions. In part, Billy’s family is opposed to ballet because it is a symbol of the leisurely elite and signifies a betrayal of the working class and the labor unions.

photo of woman holding white and black paper bags
The bourgeois, blissfully ignorant leisure class.

Billy’s father and brother would rather have him participate in boxing, not just because it is more masculine, but because it is a useful and productive skill in the confrontational, physically demanding world of coal mining: boxing is “man-to-man combat, not a bloody tea dance” (Billy Elliot). Ballet is a symbol of the leisure class as boxing is of the working class. It is impractical and useless in the context of a mining community. This is shown when Tony declares that “[Billy] won’t grow up to race whippets, grow leeks or piss his wages up the wall.” Tony compares ballet to racing dogs (whippets), gardening, or wasting money on trivial pursuits – all non-productive activities associated with the wealthy English leisure class. The miners have absorbed the idea that workers cannot engage in non-productive art or creativity, but instead have to constantly be seeking useful and/or paid occupations.

In this way, Billy’s community typifies Freire’s model of how “the oppressed, having internalized the image of the oppressor and adopted his guidelines,” take an active role in their own oppression (Freire 45). The vast talent pool of the working class is excluded from high art not just by the elites, but also through the repression of talented artists by the working class itself. is Working-class communities like the mining town of Billy Elliot are excluded from artistic expression and creativity, the “power to make and remake, to create and recreate…which is a privilege of the elite, but the birthright of all” (Freire 88). Ultimately, Billy manages to overcome this exclusion, but only in a neoliberal fashion that does not dismantle the system of exclusion:

Billy…leaves for London’s Royal Ballet School as he walks through the audience, signifying his entrance into the middle-class.  We see that individual talent and leaving behind one’s working-class community, not the promise of equality promoted by an evaporating welfare state, is the only opportunity for success in neoliberal Britain.  Billy may have been able to use his dancing talent to succeed, but we are left to wonder what happens to the children of the other 300,000 British miners.

(Young)

Thus, Billy exemplifies how “the oppressors do not favor promoting the community as a whole, but rather selected leaders” (Freire 41). His story ends on a positive note of liberation, until one realizes that the strike has failed and his community is left in the coal dust, remaining impoverished and subjugated.

black and white floral textile

Through the eyes of Billy Elliot, the dancing son of impoverished coal miners, and Holden Caulfield, a wealthy and rebellious private school student, we see how adolescents become class conscious and how this affects their ‘coming of age’ stories and their interactions with others. Classism as a system of oppression that harms both the wealthy and the poor is an often-overlooked undercurrent in both Billy Elliot and The Catcher in the Rye, and is also frequently ignored in our modern education system. But the evidence from these works shows that for at least these two adolescents, socioeconomic status plays a vital role in the social and personal development of youth. It alienates and separates the leisure class from the working class, causing guilt in the wealthy as shown by Holden and resentment in the poor as shown by Billy Elliot and his family.

Works Cited

Bungert, Hans. Salinger’s The Catcher in the Rye: The Isolated Youth and His Struggle to Communicate. Berlin: Die Neueren Sprachen (208-17), 1960. Print.

Billy Elliot. Dir. Stephen Daldry and Lee Hall. Prod. Greg Brenmann and Jon Finn. Universal Pictures and Focus Features: 2000. Film.

Campos, Paul. “How a Louis Vuitton bag can explain the higher education bubble.” The Week. 26 Feb 2014. Web. 13 Mar 2018.

Currid-Halkett, Elizabeth. The Sum of Small Things: A Theory of the Aspirational Class. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2017. Print.

Geismar, Maxwell. J. D. Salinger: The Wise Child and the New Yorker School of Fiction. Boston: Hill & Wang, 1958. Print.

Nietzsche, Friedrich. The Gay Science. New York, NY: Proceedings of the Academy of Marketing Science, 2017. Print.

Salinger, J.D. The Catcher in the Rye. Boston: Brown and Company, 1951. Print.

Smith, Domonic. “Billy Elliot writer Lee Hall talks class and culture as The Pitmen Painters returns to Brighton.” The Argus. 21 Jun 2013. Web. 14 Mar 2018.

Pearlman, Michael. The Role of Socioeconomic Status in Adolescent Literature. Adolescence, Vol. 30, No 117. San Diego: Libra Publishers, 1995. Print.

Whitfield, Stephen. Cherished and Cursed: Toward a Social History of The Catcher in the Rye. Boston: The New England Quarterly Vol. 70 No. 4, 1997. Print.

Young, Jay. “Performing History, Class and Gender in Billy Elliot: The Musical.” ActiveHistory.ca. 9 Mar 2011. Web. 14 Mar 2018.

Veblen, Thorstein. Theory of the Leisure Class. New York: Courier, 1889. Print.

Categories
Essays Philosophy Politics

Compensating for What? Dworkin, sociology, and mental illness

Introduction: Just Compensation?

“What we seek is some kind of compensation for what we put up with.”

― Haruki Murakami

Who should society compensate? Which differences in outcome does justice require that we rectify? Dworkin argues that a person with handicaps or poor endowments is entitled to compensation, while a person with negative behavioral traits like laziness or impulsivity is not entitled to compensation. To argue for this claim, he draws a distinction between option luck, or the luck involved in deliberate risky decisions made by the individual, and brute luck, “a matter of how risks fall out that are not in that sense deliberate gambles.”[1] Being handicapped by forces out of your control is an example of what Dworkin would call brute luck. As handicaps are due to brute luck and are out of the individual’s control, they deserve some form of compensation. On the other hand, behavioral traits are the result of option luck and therefore do not merit compensation. As he puts it in more colloquial terms, “people should pay the price of the life they have decided to lead.”[2] This is Dworkin’s just compensation principle.

I will argue that this principle does not account for sociological and biological factors that affect our behavioral traits and our decision-making, making it much more difficult to justify only giving compensation to those with handicaps and not to those who suffer due to bad decisions. Dworkin might respond with his caveat that if a person has a behavioral impairment like a severe craving, and the person judges this craving as bad for their life-projects, it ought to be considered a handicap deserving of compensation. However, I will conclude that this caveat fails in the case of mental illness. Ultimately, the just compensation principle is an inadequate way to think about egalitarianism and justice.

Not Just Gambles

Dworkin’s just compensation principle states that our disadvantages in resources due to circumstances outside of our control are worthy of compensation, whereas disadvantages due to our deliberate gambles or lifestyle choices should not be compensated. For instance, if someone is born in poverty and suffers from the long-term effects of malnutrition, they deserve compensation for this brute luck. But if someone decides to spend every waking hour surfing for their first forty years of life, and then ends up with very few marketable skills and is unable to find employment, they do not deserve compensation. Another example of a case undeserving of compensation might be someone who decides to gamble and subsequently loses all their earnings. In these cases, Dworkin argues, the individuals have made deliberative lifestyle choices that resulted in bad option luck and decreased their access to internal and external resources. They have intentionally rolled the dice. These situations are not the result of brute luck, but are consequences of deliberative choices, and therefore do not deserve compensation from society.

gray-and-red arcade machines
How is the distribution of gambling machines determined? It strongly influences your probability of gambling.

However, these lifestyle choices are not as deliberative as Dworkin suggests. Consider the case of the gambler. Imagine a young person on a Navajo reservation decides to start gambling because there is a casino nearby, because her friends gamble and encourage her to participate, and because the local economy depends on the casino. She is also misinformed about gambling, due to cultural norms, lack of education, pervasive advertising, and other situational factors. She loses all her savings in several gambling sprees. A simple generalization of Dworkin’s theory would dictate that she is suffering the consequences of option luck and is not entitled to compensation. But this view ignores the situational factors that drove the person to gambling.

Someone who is born in an area with no casinos and strong cultural norms against gambling, who receives a good education, and has friends who mostly go to colleges and not casinos, is not subject to negative situational factors of comparable strength or frequency. Gambling may not even come to mind as a serious option for this more privileged individual. Therefore, our choices are deeply influenced by the brute luck of being born in a harmful environment. Our brute luck impacts our options and our decisions. Even if gambling is an exercise of option luck, it is arguably still worthy of compensation when someone’s decision to gamble is strongly influenced by brute luck factors outside of their control. In this sense, the gambler’s poor choices which led to bad option luck are an indirect consequence of the brute luck of being born with certain situational factors.

This case is not imaginary. Due to cultural and sociodemographic factors, a person born on a Native American reservation is twice as likely as the average person to practice pathological gambling.[3] The strong influence of surroundings on behavior has been generalized by studies which find that decision-making processes are profoundly influenced by sociocultural factors outside of our control.[4] And these “brute luck” factors do not just influence minor decisions, but shape our fundamental decisions about life projects, goals, and lifestyles. For example, a person is far more likely to decide to marry at a young age if they were raised Mormon in Utah Valley than if they had a secular childhood in New York City. This weakens Dworkin’s case that losses due to “deliberative gambles” or lifestyle choices should not be compensated, while losses due to brute luck should be compensated. Apparent choices are profoundly shaped by brute luck. It would be a superficial misrepresentation to call these choices intentional ‘gambles.’

Brute luck genetics & personality

5 Personality Traits - Infographic
The Big-Five model of personality, currently the best-supported and most accepted scientific model of personality.

Another aspect of brute luck is genetics. On a surface level, genetic factors seem to be separate from decision-making processes. But most of us will readily accept that our personality shapes our choices. And research confirms that personality affects our decisions in a wide variety of contexts.[5] For example, people with high openness to experience are far more likely to engage in high-risk behaviors.[6] If personality is largely or even partially a product of brute luck, and personality shapes our choices, that implies our decisions are partly determined by brute luck. Therefore, our gambles are not as deliberative as they seem and may deserve compensation.

It turns out that a significant proportion of personality is determined by brute luck in the form of genetic inheritance. A meta-analysis of epigenetic studies found that about 20-60% of the phenotypic variation in personality (also called temperament) is determined by genetics.[7] Pairs of twins reared apart share an average personality resemblance of .45, suggesting that almost half of their personality is rooted in genetics.[8] Another study found that genetics explain about 40-60% of the variance in Big 5 personality traits.[9] The empirical evidence concurs that our personality, which shapes our decision-making, is in large part determined by genetic factors. For example, someone who genetically inherits the personality trait of openness to experience is far more likely to seek gambling as a source of novelty.

Dworkin’s defenses

How would Dworkin respond to this objection? He notes that the distinction between brute luck and option luck is a spectrum rather than a complete dichotomy. He accepts that brute luck influences our decisions, making the distinction between option and brute luck far messier. Therefore, he might argue that we should just compensate losses to the extent that they are caused by brute luck. For example, if hypothetically 50% of a person’s personality is determined by genetics and their personality shapes 30% of their choices, then 15% of their choices will be genetically determined. If we add in another 10% due to sociological influences, Dworkin’s just compensation principle might dictate that we compensate only that 25% of the person’s losses due to behavior caused by brute luck. Quick justice maths. But it seems inordinately difficult or impossible to calculate the appropriate compensation by tracing decisions to their root causes. This suggests that Dworkin’s entire scheme of compensation is not practically implementable, as it requires calculating the incalculable to figure out if losses are caused by brute or option luck.

woman in black long sleeve shirt
If just compensation relies on calculating some obscure combination of brute luck and option luck, this process is incalculable. There’s no way of knowing the parameters or how to use them to calculate a just result.

Furthermore, Dworkin might say that the examples of sociology and genetics do not count as brute luck, as there is still an element of personal choice in both cases. A person born into a gambling-promoting culture will be more likely to gamble, but they are not compelled to do so. Additionally, all people are subject to social influences on their behavior, and it is difficult to say that one environment is unequivocally worse than another. For example, a wealthy person not born on a reservation may not be influenced by as much pressure to gamble, but rather may be subject to more influences to take cocaine, embezzle funds, or engage in insider trading. Therefore, Dworkin could make a case that sociological and genetic influences on our behavior do not constitute true brute luck, because all people are subject to these influences, and they still allow a significant element of choice. Genuine brute luck does not allow for any choice: it is a situation completely out of our control, like a hurricane or a physical disability.

However, Dworkin’s counter-argument here contradicts his previous response. The claim that brute luck only exists in conditions that do not allow for any choice is mutually exclusive with the idea that there is a spectrum between brute luck and option luck. Dworkin cannot have his spectrum and his dichotomy too. Additionally, it is almost certainly the case that some situations involve more negative brute luck than others. While all situations involve brute luck that impacts our choices, this does not imply that we should completely ignore the differences between these situations. Some environments are simply worse than others.

Cravings as handicaps

Finally, Dworkin might respond by arguing that his theory has already addressed this problem of decision-making shaped by brute luck. He agrees that personality traits shape our decision-making. Some people, he mentions, might be cursed with a personality that includes insatiable cravings for sex. If someone has a severe craving that they view as an impediment to the success of their life-projects, it may be considered a handicap worthy of compensation:

They regret that they have these tastes, and believe they would be better off without them, but nevertheless find it painful to ignore them. These tastes are handicaps; though for other people they are rather an essential part of what gives value to their lives.

(Dworkin, 303).

Dworkin therefore makes an exception in this case and reevaluates the craving as a kind of handicap. Severe cravings can be added to the list of things that a person in the hypothetical insurance market could purchase insurance against. This seems to be Dworkin’s best response to the problem of the blurred lines between option luck and brute luck. After all, it allows him to classify negative behavioral traits as cravings that are worthy of compensation only if the person views the craving as a harmful for their life-projects. However, with the rest of this paper I will argue that this response fails as well, because it fails to account for the case of mental illness.

The case of mental illness

The key problem with Dworkin’s treatment of cravings is his use of the glad-not-sad test to evaluate whether a craving is a genuine handicap or a personal failing: “if an individual is glad not sad to have a preference, that preference falls on the side of her choices and ambitions for which he bears responsibility rather than on the side of her unchosen circumstances.”[10] This rule does not account for the case of a mentally ill person who irrationally evaluates harmful cravings as beneficial for their life-projects.

For example, a person with severe schizophrenic paranoia may have an irrational craving to eliminate all communication devices from their home to escape the eyes of government spies. They may view this craving as beneficial for the life-project of protecting their family. Therefore, under Dworkin’s framework for compensation of cravings, this person would not receive compensation because they are irrationally glad that they have the irrational preference. Dworkin does not account for the possibility that the very process by which we decide whether a craving helps our helps our life-projects will be subject to brute luck factors like mental illness. Mentally ill people who have negative cravings (e.g. for drug addiction or paranoid behaviors) and judge those cravings as good would not receive compensation for the consequences of their cravings.

gold cards and two dices on round wooden platform
More and more, Dworkin’s view of option luck as ‘deliberative gambling’ seems fragile and indefensible.

Furthermore, it is problematic for Dworkin’s theory of justice that people who judge their own mental illness as good for their life projects will not be compensated. For example, someone like Van Gogh, who viewed his bipolar disorder as essential for his artistic life-projects, would never receive compensation for the harmful consequences of this disorder. After all, it is a disorder that he is generally “glad” rather than “sad” about. However, it seems deeply arbitrary that those who see their mental illness as positive should not be compensated simply because of their outlook.

This scheme of compensation even creates perverse incentives to treat one’s disorder as harmful for one’s life-projects even if a different outlook could make it beneficial. Imagine that two persons are subject to the same brute luck factor of having mental illness, and one person decides to view it as a positive factor that furthers their life projects while the other decides to view it as an impediment. The one who reevaluates the disorder as beneficial for their life-projects is almost punished for their decision by a scheme which withholds compensation when a person views a disorder as positive.

Dworkin might respond that mental illness is also something that could be insured against in the hypothetical insurance auction. In this auction, we would have knowledge about the likelihood of mental illness, as well as the differing levels and costs of coverage for mental illness. If one does not insure against mental illness, then they would not be compensated for the consequences of this mental illness.

people outdoor during daytime
Imagine an auction where you’re not buying items, but instead are buying insurance for potential brute luck factors like being born with a disability, a mental illness, into an oppressive or negative environment, and more.

However, given the rarity of mental illness it seems unlikely that anyone would purchase this insurance. And this hypothetical auction can hardly be seen as relevant to the practical implementation of just institutions. After all, how can we know what people would choose in the hypothetical auction? How can we simulate it? How can we measure and interpret the results in creating our institutions? Ultimately, the hypothetical insurance auction seems more like an idle thought experiment than a method that could salvage Dworkin’s theory of just compensation.

Conclusion

I have attempted to cast doubt on the distinction between option luck and brute luck, in order to show that variations in option luck (the results of our decisions) are largely explained by variations in brute luck (factors outside our control). If this claim is true, then Dworkin’s compensation principle cannot stand, because it relies on a distinction between brute and option luck. Furthermore, Dworkin’s view that bad option luck caused by bad behavioral traits should not be compensated rests on the rational choice model, which models human behavior as mostly explained by logical deliberations based on information to reach conclusions about and act within the world. This deliberative choice model allows Dworkin to draw a distinction between a resource paucity due to brute luck, and a resource paucity due to option luck.

But Dworkin’s view of human decision-making is incomplete at best and misguided at worst. This paper gives two strong counterexamples to the rational choice model: sociological factors and biological-genetic factors. These examples suggest that a large proportion of human decision-making is the direct or indirect result of brute luck. As such, it seems that even the bad consequences of our intentional choices might merit compensation. Dworkin gave two replies that were insufficient due to logical contradictions. Ultimately, he offers the caveat that if a person judges a craving to be harmful for their life-projects, it merits compensation. But this caveat fails as well when we apply it to mental illness. Therefore, Dworkin’s model needs serious reworking or replacement. Focusing on equality of resources and distributing resources as compensation for only the consequences of brute luck and not the consequences of option luck, fails to account for sociological, biological, and psychiatric influences on our behavior.

Works Cited

  1. Dworkin, R., 2000, Sovereign Virtue, Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press. Pg. 73.
  2. Dworkin, pg. 74.
  3. Patterson-Silver Wolf Adelv Unegv Waya, David A et al. “Sociocultural Influences on Gambling and Alcohol Use Among Native Americans in the United States.” Journal of gambling studies vol. 31,4 (2015): 1387-404. doi:10.1007/s10899-014-9512-z
  4. Bruch, Elizabeth, and Fred Feinberg. “Decision-Making Processes in Social Contexts.” Annual review of sociology vol. 43 (2017): 207-227. doi:10.1146/annurev-soc-060116-053622
  5. Vroom, V. H. (1959). Some personality determinants of the effects of participation. The Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 59(3), 322-327.
  6. Marco Lauriola, Irwin P Levin, Personality traits and risky decision-making in a controlled experimental task: an exploratory study. Personality and Individual Differences, Volume 31, Issue 2, 2001, Pages 215-226, ISSN 0191-8869, https://doi.org/10.1016/S0191-8869(00)00130-6.
  7. Saudino, Kimberly J. “Behavioral genetics and child temperament.” Journal of developmental and behavioral pediatrics : JDBP vol. 26,3 (2005): 214-23.
  8. Bratko, Denis, Ana Butković, and Tena Vukasović Hlupić. “Heritability of Personality.” Psychological Topics, 26 (2017), 1, 1-24. Department of Psychology, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Zagreb, Croatia.
  9. Power, Robert & Pluess, Michael. (2015). Heritability estimates of the Big Five personality traits based on common genetic variants. Translational psychiatry. 5. e604. 10.1038/tp.2015.96.
  10. Olsaretti, Serena, and Richard J. Arneson. “Dworkin and Luck Egalitarianism: A Comparison.” The Oxford Handbook of Distributive Justice. Oxford University Press: June 07, 2018. Oxford Handbooks Online. Accessed 27 May 2019. Pg. 19.
Categories
Essays Philosophy Politics

Against Toil

Work less. More specifically: toil less.

Toil is work that is without intrinsic joy, placed in opposition to leisure, and is often aimed to improve performance on some metric that is defined by an external force. The key elements of toil are coercion and joylessness. We don’t choose it freely, and it isn’t fun. Maybe its rewards are ephemerally enjoyable, but the work itself is not rewarding, or at least not so rewarding that you would do it without any external incentive. Often, toil is work that has no purpose whatsoever: it is work for work’s sake. You, and the world, would be better off if you engaged in less toil. As Lewis Hyde wrote, “Your life is too short and too valuable to fritter away in work.”

Work for work’s sake

The eulogists of work—Behind the glorification of “work” and the tireless talk of the “blessings of work” I find the same thought as behind the praise of impersonal activity for the public benefit: the fear of everything individual. At bottom, one now feels when confronted with work-and what is invariably meant is relentless industry from early till late-that such work is the best police, that it keeps everybody in harness and powerfully obstructs the development of reason, of covetousness, of the desire for independence. For it uses up a tremendous amount of nervous energy and takes it away from reflection, brooding, dreaming, worry, love, and hatred; it always sets a small goal before one’s eyes and permits easy and regular satisfactions. In that way a society in which the members continually work hard will have more security: and security is now adored as the supreme goddess.

Nietzsche, The Dawn (Kaufmann), #173.
assorted chains on abandoned room with graffiti

It’s possible that the majority of work in the modern era is unnecessary. One of many paradoxes of modernity is that we aren’t working less even as automation reduces the necessity for work. As the economic rationale for work goes away, work is vested with more and more psychological weight. As Paul Lafargue wrote in 1883, “the laborer, instead of prolonging his former rest times, redoubles his ardor, as if he wished to rival the machine” (The Right to be Lazy, ch. 3). Psychological research finds that most individuals see unproductive, unnecessary work as moral, and individuals who practice superfluous toil tend to be evaluated as ‘better people’ (The Moralization of Unproductive Effort). Under two centuries of industrial capitalism, our culture has reached a new peak: it sees pointless high-effort as a virtue.

In Bullshit Jobs, David Graeber argues that huge swathes of the working population are toiling away in pointless occupations. 37% of UK workers believe their job does not make a “meaningful contribution to the world.” To be fair, Graeber’s statistical evidence for this thesis is weak—there’s significant evidence that far more workers than he estimates believe their work is meaningful—and his theory is somewhat vague and non-rigorous (Bullshit about Jobs). To validate the theory, we’d have to somehow quantify how many jobs make a ‘meaningful contribution’ rather than just relying on opinion polls. That’s an incredible difficult task.

But Graeber assembles a variety of evidence beyond these polls. For example, office workers in 2016 spent only 39% of their time on their actual jobs, devoting most of the rest to emails, wasteful meetings, and administrative tasks. He also chronicles five types of bullshit jobs: flunkies (who make their boss feel more important through managerial feudalism), goons (who mainly oppose goons in other companies), duct-tapers (who repeatedly create band-aid solutions instead of permanently fixing problems), box-tickers (who fill out paperwork as a proxy for action), and taskmasters (who manage people who don’t need managing). Each of these types are supported by a series of anecdotes. Are you involved in one of these bullshit jobs? Or even worse, are you unconsciously or consciously training to fulfill one of these meaningless roles?

In praise of play

Fundamental hominid psychology evolved in the hunter-gatherer populations of Africa over the last 2.8 million years. Around 300,000 years ago, our species emerged, and it would be. ‘Behaviorally modern’ humans, who used specialized tools, rituals, exploration, trade, art, and more, did not exist until the Upper Paleolithic around 60,000 years ago. Agriculture began about 10,000 years ago. Why this review of dates and human evolution?

Well, our psychology has been influenced by agriculture for only 3% of human existence. Humans have been living in industrial society for only .08% of our time on this planet. And we’ve been living in the current ‘postmodern condition,’ with the Internet and other innovations of the last 30 years, for only about .01% of human existence. We are not evolved for our current conditions. Our psychology was built for a radically different world. We should take advice from our ancestor’s conditions to understand what types of life are more ‘natural’ and perhaps better for human psychology.

Hunter-gatherer societies are deeply playful. “Their own work is simply an extension of children’s play…as their play become increasingly skilled, the activities become productive” (Play Makes Us Human). Hunter-gatherers typically work only around 20-40 hours a week. Unlike our closest primate relatives the bonobos, chimpanzees, and gorillas, which have a strict social hierarchy and high-ranking individual(s) which dominate lower social tiers, anthropologist have found that most human hunter-gatherer societies are “fiercely egalitarian” (Lee, 1998). Hunting trips are seen as a form of skilled play, and if any individual decides not to participate, they are allowed to without conflict.

four boy playing ball on green grass

In anthropology, play is distinguished by these qualities: it is self-chosen, self-directed, intrinsically motivated, guided by mental rules, imaginative, and involves an alert but unstressed state of mind. Play is necessarily egalitarian, in that if one individual threatened to dominate entirely, the others would stop playing and flee the game. The Human Relations Area Files, a primary data source in anthropology, show that hunter-gatherer cultures uniquely lack competitive play (Marshall 1976). Hunter-gatherer adults told researchers that their children spend almost all of their time playing – children spend only 2 hours a day foraging, and even when foraging, they continue to play (Draper 1988). However, the more a society transitions to agriculture, the less time children have to play.

And in the post-agricultural era, children play even less. In The Decline of Play and the Rise of Psychopathology in Children and Adolescents, the researchers find that for six to eight year olds between 1981 and 1997, there was a 25% decrease in time spent playing, a 55% decrease in time spent talking to others at home, and a 19% decrease in time spent watching TV over sixteen years. Meanwhile, there was an 18% increase in time spent in school, a 145% increase in time spent doing schoolwork at home, and a 168% increase in time spent shopping with parents. And as play disappeared, depression and anxiety increased by a full standard deviation, and 85% of young people in the 1990s had anxiety and depression scores greater than the average scores for the same age group in the 1950s. Between 1950 and 2005, the suicide rate for children under 15 quadrupled. And the average young person in 2002 was more prone to an external locus of control (more prone to claim lack of personal control) than 80% of young people in the 1960s. In 2007, 70% of college students scored higher in narcissism than the average college student in 1982.

England: Child Labor, 1871 Photograph by Granger
Most developed countries have moved past forcing children to work in factories — but we still have eliminated play.

Eliminating play in our children’s lives teaches them that life is a chore to be endured. Play teaches us how to to make choices, solve problems, cooperate with others as equals, follow the rules of the given game, and create new ways of playing. Most importantly, play teaches us how to experience joy. A study of happiness in public school students found that the children were by far the most miserable in school and the happiest when playing with friends (Gray 2013). While the conventional story is that schoolwork is a necessary evil that can’t be fun, what if the misery of this work comes from unnecessary forms of education that prevent joyful learning?

Play is not the same as entertainment. Most of the leisure time we have is filled with entertainment, used merely to numb us while we are not working, to encourage us to buy even more commodities, or to immerse us in the spectacle of lives that are not our own. This is entertainment. Play, on the other hand, is an active, creative activity, in which the imagined world or narrative is built and constantly changed by the participants — rather than disseminated by some unknown figure like a media corporation.

“But for all these people art exists only so that they will become even more dispirited, even more numb and mindless, or even more hasty and desirous.”

Nietzsche, Unfashionable Observations, pg. 287.

Ultimately, if we all devote ourselves to toil, then we are doomed to live in a Disneyland with no children: a world with immense economic prosperity and no one who remembers how to play.

The Protestant & Mormon work ethics

Weber’s 1904 sociological masterpiece, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, has shaped almost the conversations about the work ethic since. In Catholicism, work could not earn one salvation, and only grace and repentance could redeem individuals. For Luther, work was saintly, and “an individual was religiously compelled to follow a secular vocation with as much zeal as possible. A person living according to this world view was more likely to accumulate money” (Weber, 42). For Calvinists, who thought the saved were predestined, work was used to achieve financial success and thus earn the ‘mark of God.’ Calvinists could relieve anxiety about being spiritually unworthy by achieving the (material) blessings of God. In a footnote, Weber explicitly mentions the new Mormon religion, citing a Mormon scripture that states: “But a lazy or indolent man cannot be a Christian and be saved. He is destined to be struck down and cast from the hive” (Weber, 235). I’m not sure where Weber read this — if anyone finds the origin, let me know!

Mormonism, the homegrown American religion, takes this Protestant work ethic and advances it even further. Utah’s state motto is Industry and the symbol of the State of Deseret (the Mormon name for a pre-Utah state in the West) was the beehive. At a Mormon conference called Especially for Youth when I was 14, I asked an advisor about why he believed in the church, and he said a keystone of his belief was the material success of Mormon society. I of course don’t remember exactly what he said, but it was close to “Look at how successful Utah is and how much Mormonism has helped us prosper – you can judge the religion by its fruits.”

Bees inside the wooden cage
Are we more than just bees in a manufactured hive, working pointlessly to produce honey we will never taste?

Theological elements of Mormonism encourage this work ethic. Joseph Smith rejected the concept of immaterial substances: “There is no such thing as immaterial matter. All spirit is matter, but it is more fine or pure and can only be discerned by purer eyes” (D&C 131, 7-8). God himself is a material being in Mormon ontology. Further, in Mormon theology, it is possible to become like God, create a world, and populate it. This heavenly culmination of a spirit’s life is achieved through a combination of faith and works. The idea of eternal progression is closely tied to the work ethic.

“Wherefore, because thou hast been faithful thy seed… shall dwell in prosperity long upon the face of this land; and nothing, save it shall be iniquity among them, shall harm or disturb their prosperity upon the face of the land forever.”

2 Nephi 1:31, The Book of Mormon

In an intensive analysis of the Book of Mormon, a group of scholars traced the development of the work ethic in the primary Mormon religious text (Material Values in the Book of Mormon). Anyone who has read the Book of Mormon is familiar with the story of the pride cycle: a group is righteous, which leads to material rewards, and these rewards corrupt them, leading to a collapse or loss of their success, which then leads to humility and righteousness once again. Though their wealth is destroyed again and again, when the people repent of their sins and turn back to the Lord, they start to prosper once more (Helaman 4:15-16; Ether 7:26). The Lamanites, the recurring antagonists of the Book of Mormon, are portrayed as a group who survive by robbing and plundering rather than laboring for goods with “their own hands” (Alma 17:14). In contrast, the Mormons are exhorted to work and avoid laziness: “Thou shalt not idle away thy time…neither shalt thou bury thy talent that it may not be known” (D&C 130:18-21). In Mormon theology, labor is tied to righteousness, which is in turn connected to prosperity.

“And now, because of the steadiness of the church they began to be exceedingly rich, having abundance of all things whatsoever they stood in need…And thus, in their prosperous circumstances, they did not send away any who were naked, or that were hungry, or that were athirst, or that were sick, or that had not been nourished; and they did not set their hearts upon riches; therefore they were liberal to all, both old and young, both bond and free, both male and female, whether out of the church or in the church, having no respect to persons as to those who stood in need. And thus they did prosper and become far more wealthy than those who did not belong to their church.

Alma 1:27-31, The Book of Mormon

I don’t mean to frame Mormonism as a hyper-capitalist religion; there are many verses that condemn material wealth (e.g. the description of the ‘great and abominable’ Church in 1 Nephi 13:6-8). The Church also encourages charity and generosity. And the Book of Mormon also describes the problems with class structures and economic inequality: “And the people began to be distinguished by ranks, according to their riches and their chances for learning…And thus there became a great inequality in all the land” (3 Nephi 6:12-15). The same verse describes how the devil exercised his power in “puffing them up with pride, tempting them to seek for power, and authority, and riches, and the vain things of the world.”

There are also many parts of Mormon scripture that could be characterized as socialist-leaning. After the coming of Christ in the Americas, the Book of Mormon describes how “they had all things common among them; therefore there were not rich and poor” (4 Nephi 1:3). Over the next two centuries, this righteous, communal society fell back into class structures and status-signalling: they became “lifted up in pride, such as the wearing of costly apparel, and all manner of fine pearls…And from that time forth they did have their goods and their substance no more common among them” (4 Nephi 24). Early LDS societies also attempted to practice a form of theocratic communalism called the United Order, in which private property was eliminated and the land and goods of Church members were owned by the Church.

However, these more anti-capitalist and communal strands of Mormonism are hardly visible in modern Mormon society. Around 70% of Mormons are Republican, and around 75% of Mormon Republicans believe government aid to the poor does more harm than good (Pew Research). One sociological study found that Mormons perceive wealthier members as more spiritual or blessed, and are more likely to attribute flattering spiritual qualities to materially successful members — and poorer Mormons were even more likely to buy into this myth of wealth & righteousness (Rector 1999). Contemporary Mormonism represents a zenith of the toil addiction.

Popular culture’s recognition of the Mormon work ethic is part of the reason American press coverage of Mormonism has become more positive over the last half-century (Stathis 1981). For example, in 2008, The Economist published an article about the economic success of the state of Utah called The Mormon work ethic, and The New Republic in 2012 published a much longer article on The Mormon Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. The powerful synergy of Mormonism and American capitalism have created a uniquely compelling work ethic.

American fantasies

Social innovations like the Protestant work ethic generate a race to the bottom. One group adopts a hyper-industrious culture that mandates its population give up personal happiness & the pursuit of individual freedom for the sake of the herd’s productivity. Neighboring groups see that they will be unable to compete with the hyper-industrious culture unless they adopt a similar work-ethic. Soon, the addiction to work is exported globally. Now we live in a global culture in which difference is being rapidly erased as the gospel of toil spreads into every corner of the planet. Globalization creates a race to the bottom: corporations will primarily harness the labor of the countries with the most relentless, life-erasing, humanity-eating work ethics.

The economy is then detached from its purpose – to serve humanity – and we begin to serve the economy. Our limbs are harnessed to the dance of numbers. All incentives orchestrate together to favor work over individuality, joy, or the pursuit of projects that do not increase established metrics. GDP, comparative advantage, the constant pressure to rise into higher social tiers, to have certain products, to leap through the correct hoops at the right times – these control our behavior in innumerable seen and unseen ways. We have forgotten entirely what it would be like to be free of this obsession with toil, and we have forgotten the normative aim of our constructed human systems: to promote human flourishing.

Toil is especially an American addiction. Maybe the most toxic element of our culture is also the most-praised: the ‘work ethic.’ This is the constant, all-consuming, corporation-connected drive to labor that erases our individuality. America is the 9th-most overworked nation in the world, and Americans are working more and sleeping less today than in the 1970s (Covert 2018). Unlike most countries, the US does not have a limit on the maximum length of the work week. And according to the ILO, “Americans work 137 more hours per year than Japanese workers, 260 more hours per year than British workers, and 499 more hours per year than French workers.” Even as toil becomes less necessary, it is devouring more of our time. And as American workers strive to be more productive, they are rewarded less.

Is the EPI Correct About Wages and Productivity? – Difficult Run

The American dream: if you are capable enough, you can rise to the top; you can become anything if you have the talent. The if puts us in a psychological trap: to reject the American dream seems to be an admission of incapability. The desire to believe in the American dream is ingeniously tied to the desire to believe in oneself. If I negate the dream, am I just admitting that I am not enough to become? That I don’t have the capability to succeed, and thus don’t want to believe it’s possible? I, the American individual, want to be the psychological type that is able to fulfill the American dream – the ‘great’ person who comes up from the bottom, the Benjamin Franklin, the Jay Z. To lose faith in the American dream seems to be an admission that I am not a person of this type.

This fear, this personal insecurity, encourages a blind faith in the dream and a denial of the material conditions that define both what we are striving for and how it is achieved. Any rejection of the promise of the American dream seems to be a mere product of ressentiment. Thus the ideology undermines the ground on which its opponents stand.

College and indoctrination into toil culture

The addiction to the work-ethic, and the compelling stories of success that are connected to it, especially affects ambition-filled young people. This is why 36% of Harvard graduates go into finance and consulting – and going to Harvard makes students significantly more likely to work in these fields. At Dartmouth, where I go, even more are seduced – almost 50% of students end up working in finance and consulting, and many of the remainder go to work for high-status tech companies. These firms woo aspiring students with impossible-to-refuse offers. Their recruiting methods weaponize student’s vague fear of not being “successful” the lack of any specific vision. They play into student’s desires to continue ‘upward momentum’ by fulfilling a conventional success story and succeeding in yet another selective admissions process. It’s tempting to talk oneself into these toil-filled careers.

The flood of students into consulting is less of a brain drain than a spirit drain – it sucks our most energetic, dream-filled, neuroplastic, capable youth into careers where they will do nothing but optimize the existing system. They slowly lose their independent mind, grind away their capacity for creativity, and are rewarded amply for it.

Elite students climb confidently until they reach a level of competition sufficiently intense to beat their dreams out of them. Higher education is the place where people who had big plans in high school get stuck in fierce rivalries with equally smart peers over conventional careers like management consulting and investment banking. For the privilege of being turned into conformists, students (or their families) pay hundreds of thousands of dollars in skyrocketing tuition that continues to outpace inflation. Why are we doing this to ourselves?

Peter Thiel, Zero to One, pg. 36

Thiel’s alternative – working on a entrepreneurial project – is only somewhat better. It also encourages toil, just more independent toil that is tied to metrics like money that are more directly relevant to life in capitalism than academic grades. It too is coercive and relatively joyless, as the student must relentlessly work on the project to become financially ‘successful’ when the fellowship ends. As a whole, these students are also far more incentivized by the status of the Fellowship, and the vision of being an entrepreneur, than by their intrinsic enjoyment of the labor. It has also changed over the last few years, and it now almost exclusively funds projects with a high chance of profitability. The Thiel Fellowship is another Toil Fellowship.

But I agree with Thiel’s conviction that colleges indoctrinate youth into a pointless work ethic, encourage conventionality, and serve to erase dreams. Elite institutions serve the additional purpose of status-signalling for the upper class — for many, an Ivy League education is merely a form of conspicuous consumption. I can’t speak for all college cultures, but Dartmouth culture is dominated by the toil ethic. Students constantly chatter about how busy they are, list their work obligations, study in visible public space, and signal about their high-effort. What’s the point? Work for work’s sake?

empty chairs in theater
Fluorescent lights & mass, batch-processing, toil-based education.

Human beings must be broken in to serve the purposes of the age, so that they can be put to work at the earliest possible moment; they are supposed to go to work in the factory of general utility before they are mature — indeed, so that they do not become mature — because allowing them to mature would be a luxury that would divert a great deal of energy away from “the labor market.” Some birds are blinded so that they will sing more beautifully.

Nietzsche, Unfashionable Observations (Stanford), pg. 134.

Who is Moloch?

Our economies have become unhinged from the original force that sets them into motion: joy. The human desire for joy, for happiness, for conscious positive experience, is what motivates the creation of barter and currency. And yet now we have forgotten that our economies are our instruments and not our masters. This has now evolved into our vast interconnected systems of steel and concrete, punishment and incentive, which exist not to further human flourishing but to maintain themselves.

“I saw the best minds of my generation destroyed…What sphinx of cement and aluminum bashed open their skulls and ate up their brains and imagination? … Moloch whose love is endless oil and stone! … They broke their backs lifting Moloch to Heaven!”

Allen Ginsberg, Howl

In his howl against the unseen forces that maintain a soul-destructive system, Ginsberg names these forces Moloch after the Canaanite god of child sacrifice. Everyone hates this system, and yet the system remains. What could possibly keep it going? It seems almost like there is some malevolent being, assigning everyone life-draining toil, generating task after task, reinforcing processes that no human being with a semblance of spirit would choose to create. The reality is more complicated. In Meditations on Moloch, Scott Alexander lists a series of examples of toxic, self-maintaining systems, where certain features prevent participants from cooperating to fix the system. Moloch is a name for the features that define this type of system. A human tendency is to invent gods as explanatory forces when we do not understand a system. Moloch represents the complex set of forces that create and maintain the system we inhabit.

Dominic McGill - Moloch - Contemporary Art
Moloch by Domonic McGill

Imagining out of toil

A simple way to avoid toil is through the imagination. Imagine that money was no object. Then, imagine there were no social incentives like the desire to signal high-status careers. Finally, imagine that work for work’s sake was unnecessary. This imaginative reduction enables us to get at the core of our authentic desires. Like Rawls’ veil of ignorance, it encourages us to imagine a world in which particular social motivations and contingencies did not govern our behavior. Like Husserl’s phenomenological reduction, this method tries to escape the abstractions and concepts that usually determine how we experience the world. If we were immune to the toil ethic, ignorant of which careers were tied to status and money, what would we choose?

“Let the young soul look back on its life with the question: What have you truly loved up to now, what attracted your soul, what dominated it while simultaneously making it happy? Place this series of revered objects before you, and perhaps their nature and their sequence
will reveal to you a law, the fundamental law of your authentic self.”

Nietzsche, Unfashionable Observations (Stanford: 1995), pg. 174.

Most people will never do this. Even fewer will take this imagining seriously, and follow the guidance of their more authentic nature. Imaginations are too limited, “the world as it is” is too blinding, toxic incentive structures are too motivating. Many use toil precisely as a means of escape, a coping mechanism and a way to avoid themselves. Our lives themselves are becoming products we manufacture. As Debord wrote in The Society of the Spectacle, “The more his life is now his product, the more he is separated from his life.”

All of you to whom furious work is dear, and whatever is fast, new, and strange-you find it hard to bear yourselves; your industry is escape and the will to forget yourselves. If you believed more in life you would fling yourselves less to the moment. But you do not have contents enough in yourselves for waiting-and not even for idleness.

Nietzsche, Thus Spake Zarathustra (Kaufmann), pg. 158.

I hope we at least realize that the most common defense of conventionality – “this is the way the world is, and we have to work within it” – is what makes the world the way it is. It’s a self-fulfilling prophecy. Working within existing structures validates those structures. Toiling for toil’s sake encourages others to do the same, and maintains the system that instills the toil ethic in our minds. Change will only happen when we stop believing this prophecy. If you’re on a hamster wheel, the answer isn’t to run faster. It’s to get off.

And, of course, those who don’t believe they can make a change never will.

Categories
Essays History Religion & Spirituality

The Ideology of Anti-Heretical Crusade in the 1838 Mormon War

“Up, awake, ye defenders of Zion!
The foe’s at the door of your homes;
Let each heart be the
heart of a lion,
Unyielding and proud as he roams.
Remember the
trials of Missouri;
Forget not the courage of Nauvoo…
Tho, assisted by
legions infernal,
The plundering foemen advance,
With a host from the regions eternal
We’ll scatter their troops at a glance
By His power is Zion surrounded;
Her warriors are noble and brave,
And their
faith on Jehovah is founded,
Whose power is mighty to save.”

“Up, Awake, Ye Defenders of Zion,” Mormon hymn (c. 1848)

Framing

“Come, come, ye saints, no toil nor labor fear,” urges “perhaps the best-known and most beloved”[1] Mormon hymn, for “why should we think to earn a great reward / If we now shun the fight?”[2] Penned by LDS poet William Clayton, these compelling lines reflect the zeitgeist of the Mormon community in the wake of its violent expulsion from America and the harrowing pilgrimage across the plains to the new Zion in Utah (then within Mexico). The underlying ideology of the anthem is reminiscent of the crusade theology of Pope Innocent III as expressed in the quia maior, the call to the Fifth Crusade:

“So rouse yourselves, most beloved sons…gird yourselves for the service of the Crucified One, not hesitating to risk your possessions and your persons for him who laid down his life and shed his blood for you…sure that if you are truly penitent you will achieve eternal rest as a profit from this temporal labour.”[3]

Pope Innocent III, Quia Maior

The parallels between these two religious calls-to-action are clear. Both Innocent and Clayton implore listeners to plunge into a spiritual or literal fight, overcoming suffering for the sake of religious ideals. These texts are microcosms of broader patterns in crusades targeted against ‘heretical’ Christians.

My fundamental claim is that the rhetoric of both sides in the 1838 Mormon War exhibited the signature strategies of Innocent III’s ideology of anti-heretical crusade. In this context, ideology is the disparate set of “ideas, values, and accepted ‘truths’ of the culture that enabled – consciously and unconsciously – holy war.”[4] Ideology is the prism through which the culture views and interprets the world. Both the Albigensian Crusade and the 1838 Mormon War exhibit the same ideological elements despite being separated by six hundred years. I will demonstrate the resonance between these periods by uncovering common methods and worldviews in the primary sources, including: Innocent III’s quia maior and papal documents from the period of the Albigensian Crusade (1209 – 1229 AD), anti-Mormon rhetoric and Governor Bogg’s extermination order, sermons by key Mormon figure Sidney Rigdon and the founder Joseph Smith, and Mormon scripture in the Doctrine & Covenants.

These sources indicate common trends in the ways Christians portray and motivate action against rival movements within the faith. In other words, the significant actors in both periods wielded the same invisible weapons.[5] Using these weapons of ideas, Christians like Innocent III were able to manufacture consent for atrocity and bloodshed against fellow people of the faith. Together, these ideological tools compose an ideology of anti-heretical crusade: religious purification of the Christian community, the imitatio Christi, and the reclamation of the Christian inheritance – an actual Jerusalem or an imagined Zion.

Ideology of Innocent III

Innocent IIi, 1161-1216 Painting by Granger
A woodcut of Innocent III from the 12th century.

The central currents of the crusading ideology of Innocent III, arguably the most influential pope in history,[6] can be summarized in three words: purification, imitation, reclamation. Innocent unleashed a seismic ideological shift that turned the Crusades inward, against targets within Christendom. To accomplish this change, Innocent III forged an armory of rhetorical weapons and “progressively augmented the spiritual benefits to be gained by suppressing heresy.”[7] Papal documents of the early 13th century establish this trend.

Purification is rooting out toxic elements within the Christian community. The Albigensian Crusade and the Fourth Lateran Council were both components of Innocent’s endeavor to “purify Christian society at home.”[8] The zeal to eliminate the heathens partially arose from the same motivation for eradicating a virus: to prevent spread. Innocent warned a Provençal archbishop that the Cathars would “seduce the hearts of listeners” and lure them all into “pit of perdition together.”[9] In his letters he often used the imagery of infection, calling the enemy “pestilential,”[10] a disease that must be eliminated so that the “body of Christ may be built up until we all reach unity.”[11] Thus, Innocent called a crusade against the perceived blasphemous virus, and gave an ultimatum to the Langedouc heretics: renounce or perish.[12] His ideology portrayed purifying crusades as necessary to keep the Christian body intact and uncontaminated.

Imitation is the call to mimic the Messiah. Innocent used the ideological potency of this imitatio christi to instill in Christians a desire to suffer the Passion as crusaders. In the quia maior, Innocent declares the Fifth Crusade “on behalf of him who when dying cried with a loud voice on the cross,”[13] showing that the figurehead of Catholicism himself would also seek to imitate Christ. He likened the sacrifices of the crucesignati to the way the Son of God gave his blood and his life. Innocent even proclaims that true crusaders can be “equally certain” as Christ himself in receiving the ultimate reward — eternal salvation.[14] The final line declares that crusaders are “acting in the office of Christ’s legation.”[15] Comparison to Christ, the imagery of Jesus’ afflictions on the cross, and supplications to emulate and fight for the Messiah proved to be potent pieces of ideological equipment in justifying crusades.

Finally, reclamation is the attempt to recapture the sacred Christian inheritance of the Holy Land and Jerusalem. As Innocent sermonized: “snatch the land that Your only begotten son consecrated with his own blood from the hands of the enemy of the cross and restore it to Christian worship.”[16] Innocent decreed that Psalm 79 should be sung across Europe, echoing the drive to rescue the holy “inheritance” from the “heathens” in the name of the “only-begotten son.”[17] In this view, the Levant was rightful Christian soil, and the crusades were a matter of recovery, not conquest. Jerusalem was seen as the “navel of the world” by medieval Christians, who portrayed the land of Christ’s ministry as “fruitful above others, like another paradise of delights.”[18] Crusade was essential to save the sacrosanct and precious lands of Christ from defilement.

Parallels

The remainder of the paper will reveal the symmetries between Innocent’s anti-heretical crusading ideology and the rhetoric of the 1838 conflict. These similarities are revealed by comparing Innocent’s key papal bulls with the critical documents surrounding the 1838 Mormon War. In casualties, this war was somewhat insignificant: less than thirty individuals perished directly because of the conflict.[19] However, almost 175 years later, it is clear “the trauma of the Missouri experience dramatically shaped the development of Mormon theology, community, family, and ideology.”[20] The violence has an outsized impact on the Mormon historical memory.

Reclamation of Zion

Above: the sharing of sacred land in the Abrahamic holy city Jerusalem and the Mormon site of Independence, MO.[21]

Both Catholic crusaders and Mormon pioneers sought to reclaim a lost promised land. The crusaders battled for the Holy Land in the Levant. The Mormons recognized the sanctity of the original Jerusalem, but they also struggled to find or build a New Jerusalem in America. In these efforts, Missouri is paramount as “the land which I [God] have appointed and consecrated for the gathering of the saints,” and because Independence is the “city of Zion.”[22] There is an entire sacred landscape based in Missouri. The state contains many of Mormonism’s hallowed sites, including Far West, “the spot where Cain killed Abel,”[23] the Kirtland Temple, the location of many of Joseph Smith’s prophetic visions and revelations,[24] and Adam-ondi-Ahman,[25] where Joseph believed Adam and Eve lived after their Fall from the Garden of Eden.[26] Just as the Abrahamic ‘people of the book’ try to share the holy sites of Jerusalem, three different Mormon denominations share the sacred land of Independence.[27] Thus, analogous to the recurring Catholic crusades to seize Jerusalem from the 11th to 15th centuries, the conflicts over Missouri in the 1830s held immense gravity for Mormons. The quest to control sacred soil was at the foreground of religious warfare both in Missouri and medieval Europe.

Preaching that “God would deliver Zion into the Saints’ hands by destroying the wicked,” some influential members of the LDS Church believed that a “Mormon takeover of Jackson County was preordained.”[28] Rumors of an impending conquest by an unfamiliar religious sect and “publicized declarations of divine entitlement to Missouri lands” spurred outrage and fear amongst the locals.[29] In response, anti-Mormon throngs brutally ejected the Mormons. Assembling an armed force called Zion’s Camp, some LDS leaders tried to retake the lost sacred land, but this expedition fizzled out without bloodshed.[30] Eventually, the church migrated to Far West.

However, the refugees faced similar problems in their new settlement. Some of their neighbors sent terrified letters to the governor claiming that the ‘fanatics’ were cooperating with “Indians of various tribes” to “work the general destruction of all that are not Mormons.”[31] Tensions soon surpassed a breaking point. Early Mormon authors wrote that a mob stormed into Far West in 1833 with a scarlet flag “in token of blood,” and announced that “the Mormons must leave the county en masse or that every man shall be put to death.”[32] The Mormons argued that their enemies used ideological weapons “to stir up the murky pool of popular prejudice to a crusade against a peaceable, prosperous, and law-abiding people.”[33] The reclamation rhetoric of the Mormons, and their imagination of a new Zion in Missouri, may have partially instigated a violent backlash. Ultimately, the Mormons were banished.

Joseph Young affidavit for Haun's Mill massacre | Special ...
Artwork based on the massacre at Haun’s Mill. Painting by C.C.A. Christensen

The tragedy of the loss of Zion is an immense legacy in the Mormon historical memory. Some contemporary Mormon sources referenced Psalm 79, the verses which served as the primary raw material in crafting Innocent’s crusade calls. One poet cited the Psalm in the first page of his poem lamenting the expulsion from Missouri: “Our eyes are dim, our hearts heavy / No place of refuge being left.”[34] This is also evocative of Innocent’s frequent references to Lamentations 5, which weeps that “our inheritance has been handed over to strangers…we have lost that land which the Lord consecrated.”[35] Many LDS hymns extol the effort to restore Zion or to establish a New Jerusalem.[36] As the verse on the front cover of this paper attests, Mormons cannot forget the trials of Missouri any more than medieval Christians could forget the 637 AD capture of Jerusalem.

The Mormons responded to the violence with a shift in ideology. The relentless reprisals against the faithful “spurred the radicalization of Mormon theology in the early 1840s.”[37] During the conflict, Joseph preached to troops assembled at Far West “that the kingdom of God should be set up, and should never fall,” declaring that “the Lord would send angels, who would fight for us; and that we should be victorious.”[38] After Rigdon argued that dissenting members of the Church should “be trodden under foot of men”[39] in his ‘Salt Sermon,’ some Mormons organized a vigilante militarist group called the Danites. The Danites believed they had a duty to take the land of Missouri, “that it was the will of God they should do so; and that the Lord would give them power to possess the kingdom.”[40] While they rarely engaged in actual conflict, this paramilitary group served as the ideological shock troops in the Mormon counter-crusade against the Missourians.

After all, according to doctrine, the Missourians were gentiles occupying territory divinely granted to “the remnant of Jacob” (e.g. Native Americans) and “heirs according to the covenant” (e.g. Mormons) as “the land of [their] inheritance.”[41] As official LDS scripture given by Joseph Smith in 1831 states: “ye shall assemble yourselves together to rejoice upon the land of Missouri, which is the land of your inheritance, which is now the land of your enemies.”[42] This is almost identical to the phraseology Innocent III repeatedly used to motivate crusading: from commanding Christians to “free…his inheritance from the hands of the Saracens”[43] in the post miserable of 1198 to his oft-cited Psalm 78: “the gentiles have invaded your inheritance.”[44] In both contexts, portraying the land as a religious heritage rather than mere conquerable territory was vital in motivating violent action to regain the venerated places.

Imitation

Rio De Janeiro Brazil

During the skirmishes of the 1830s, Mormon soldiers sometimes announced their arrival with the “trumpet tones [of] the old Jewish battle-cry, ‘The sword of the Lord and of Gideon.’”[45] This practice and many others underscore the ways the combatants of the Missouri conflict sought to imitate Christ, saints or historical Christians, and scriptural heroes. In this conflict, Smith unsheathed his rhetorical sword, and declared to his early disciples that “I will lead you to the battle.”[46] The imitatio Christi proved to be an essential element in encouraging the defense of Zion.

The language of crusade was quickly adopted in 1838 to instill a sense of the significance of the conflict and inspire analogies to Christ and the persecuted saints of history. W.W. Phelps, a writer of many key Mormon hymns, said at the time that “the crisis has come,” and that “nothing but the power of God can stop the mob in their Latter Day crusade against the church of Christ.”[47] After 1838, there was a “massive outpouring of writings and petitions describing the violence,” and Mormons argued that their oppressors were like “the tormentors of the ancient saints,” even “portraying Boggs as Nero.”[48] Sometimes, Mormon rhetoricians “used the memory of persecution to justify violence.”[49] These trends indicate the way Mormon figures drew continuities between their own situation and the situation of the Christlike saints and their enemies.

Crusader rhetoric was not just applied to vindicate Mormons, but to vilify their foes. In line with the Mormon belief, secular onlooker Thomas Kane sought to defend the Mormon’s image to counter the “‘Holy War’ waged against them by evangelical America.”[50] This rhetorical method proved invaluable. One LDS author satirized the anti-Mormon use of crusader rhetoric, saying that it was abundantly clear the Missouri militiamen were “worthy scions of the old [crusader] stock, and members of this honorable fraternity.”[51] The ironist describes how one Missourian “pursued them till the blood gushed from their feet,” “burning and destroying heretic’s houses,” and thus “redeemed himself in true evangelical style.”[52] This author’s use of ‘evangelical’ as an insult is remindful of the way Arab or Muslim sources use the term ‘crusader’ to impugn foreign invaders. Clearly, representations of holy warriors can be positive or negative, depending on if those depicted are allies to those doing the depicting.

Two Thousand Stripling Warriors by Arnold Friberg, a famous piece of LDS art.

Hymns are critical in ideological conflicts; a Mormon author wrote that a “hymnbook is as good an index to the brains and to the hearts of a people as the creed book.”[53] These invisible armaments often surpassed physical weapons in effectiveness. A medieval historian wrote that the enemies of the crusaders in the Languedoc “feared those who sang more than those who fought.”[54]  Expressing similar sentiments to the Mormon hymn cited on the front page, the Catholic hymn Veni creator spiritus was widely adopted by crusaders during the Albigensian Crusade:

Far from us drive our deadly foe;
true peace unto us bring;
and through all perils lead us safe
beneath thy sacred wing.[55]

The Mormon lyricist also extolled his LDS audience to remember they were by “his power in Zion surrounded,” even as “legions infernal” and “plundering foemen” advanced against them. This example shows that both groups used the same lyrical methods to glorify spiritual or physical crusades and place them into a context of religious symbols. Especially impactful in both periods were the ideas, language, and emblems of the imitation of Christ.

Purification

closeup photo of white petaled flower

Like the Catholicism of 13th-century Europe, the Protestantism of 19th-century America “required that communities be whole, an ideal that demanded the removal of social deviants.”[56] In the views of some, this merited the destruction of Mormonism and other aberrations. The drive to extinguish difference also reflects an underlying Christian persecuting society, which partly arose from the “fear of schism [that] had attended the church since its infancy.”[57] Like Innocent III, American preachers of the early 1800s also confronted an ever-splintering variety of divergent Christian movements. To contend effectively amongst religious discord, some revived the anti-heretical methods of the medieval enforcers of Christian orthodoxy.

Mormonism was not an isolated target of persecution. The attacks against Masons, Catholics, and Mormons, and Jews in the US at the dawn of the 19th century were manifestations of a “subsurface current of American thought” which at any time could “erupt in a geyser of hostility upon a tight-knit minority.”[58] These persecuting movements had a common base of support in “New England, the rural areas, and the Protestant ministers,” and “a great part of the propaganda against the Mormons was carried on through books and sermons of Protestant ministers.”[59] Anti-Mormonism was a wave in a larger tide.

These ministers also exploited the same rhetoric that Innocent III used so forcefully: the purification of the communal body. Their sermonizing expressed a “feeling that American purity was being contaminated by these alien groups,” especially with “such epithets as ‘stain’ or ‘cancer’ in the body politic, in reference to the Mormons,” in an attempt to persuade governments and individuals to “force Mormon conformity.”[60] The anti-Mormon ideological campaign proved successful in the end. In fall 1838, Missouri executive order #44 was issued. The orders from Governor Boggs stated “the Mormons must be treated as enemies, and must be exterminated or driven from the state if necessary for the public peace.”[61] This constituted “no ordinary military directive, but a call for the eradication of a distinct people whose very existence could no longer be tolerated.”[62] Only rescinded in 1976,[63] the order reflects the intensity of the persecuting society on the American frontier and the vehemence of early anti-Mormonism.

The general of the Missouri state militia informed the Mormons that “you need not expect any mercy, but extermination, for I am determined the governor’s orders shall be executed.”[64] Furthermore, as the heretics were so frequently compared to an infectious virus, many officers involved in the expulsion thought the Mormons and all those close them to needed to be eradicated, root and stem. One Missouri cornel during the massacre of Haun’s Mill ordered his men to “kill and scalp all, little and big: nits make lice.”[65] This is a horrifying (but likely unintentional) emulation of papal legate Arnaud Amalric, who ordered during the sack of Béziers, “Kill them all. God will know his own.”[66] The ideology of purification is powerful and dangerous, encouraging atrocities during the anti-heretical crusades in both Languedoc and Missouri.

Conclusion

There is a fundamental similarity in the crusader rhetoric used during the expulsion of the Mormons from Missouri and during the inquisition against the Cathars in the Albigensian Crusade. The disparate threads of 1838 and 1213 are connected by a common tapestry of sectarian violence and persecution of heretics in Christianity, which is largely rooted in ideological shifts that took place in the early 13th century under the papacy of Innocent III. Ultimately, the rhetorical, ideological, and liturgical trends of anti-heretical crusade are visible in the historical moments of both 13th century crusading Catholicism and 19th century migrating Mormonism, and two distant historical moments use similar ideas and methods in their efforts to both promote and defend against anti-heretical crusade.

Bibliography

Primary Sources

Bird, Jessalynn, Edward Peters, and James M. Powell, eds.  Crusade and Christendom: annotated documents in translation from Innocent III to the fall of Acre, 1187-1291. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013.

“Bill of Damages, 4 June 1839.” The Joseph Smith Papers. https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/bill-of-damages-4-june-1839/8.https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/bill-of-damages-4-june-1839/8. Accessed 4 Mar 2020.

Cater, Kate B (1969).  Denominations that Base their Beliefs on the Teachings of Joseph Smith. Daughters of Utah Pioneers, Salt Lake City, Utah: Sawtooth Books, p.  50.

Clark V. Johnson, ed.,  Mormon Redress Petitions: Documents of the 1833–1838 Missouri Conflict, (Provo, Utah: Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1992), 103–119.

Clayton, William (1814-1879). “Come, Come Ye Saints.” Manchester Hymnal, English. English. Salt Lake City, Utah, USA. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. 1840. 1912, 25th Edition (last known). 385 songs. The lyrics were written in 1846.

Cordon, Alfred. “Times and Seasons, 16 May 1842, vol 3, no 14” p. 793, The Joseph Smith Papers, accessed March 4, 2020, https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/times-and-seasons-16-may-1842/11

Cordon, Alfred. “Times and Seasons, 16 May 1842, vol 3, no 14” p. 793, The Joseph Smith Papers, accessed March 4, 2020, https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/times-and-seasons-16-may-1842/11

Crosby, Fanny J. (1820-1915), “Behold! A Royal Army,” LDS Hymnal, #251.

Daniel Ashby, James Keyte, and Sterling Price (Brunswick, Missouri), “Letter to Governor Lilburn W. Boggs” (Jefferson City, Missouri), September 1, 1838, in Mormon War Papers 1837-41, Missouri State Archives.

Daniel Dunklin to “Dear Sir,” 1 June 1832, Daniel Dunklin Papers, 1815-1877, Western Historical Manuscript Collection, University of Missouri-Columbia

E. R. Snow, “The Ladies of Utah, to the Ladies of the United States Camp in a crusade against the ‘Mormons,’” Deseret News, October 14, 1857, 4, emphasis in the original.

E.R. Snow, “The Ladies of Utah,” Deseret News.

Genesis 35:2, The Bible, Genesis 35:2, The Bible, New International Version (NIV).

“History, 1838–1856, volume A-1 [23 December 1805–30 August 1834].” The Joseph Smith Papers, https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/history-1838-1856-volume-a-1-23-december-1805-30-august-1834/481.https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/history-1838-1856-volume-a-1-23-december-1805-30-august-1834/481. Accessed 4 Mar 2020.

“Innocent III, Quia Maior, 1213.” In Crusade and Christendom: Annotated Documents in Translation from Innocent III to the Fall of Acre, 1187-1291, edited by Bird Jessalynn, Peters Edward, and Powell James M., 107-12. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013.

Innocent III, “29 May 1207: Innocent to Count Raymond VI of Toulouse,” Patrologiea Latinae, in “Appendix F: Translated Extracts from Papal Correspondence, 1207-1215,” HA, 304.

Innocent III, Ne jos ejus, 1208. Cited in Rist, Rebecca. “Salvation and the Albigensian Crusade: Pope Innocent III and the plenary indulgence.” Reading Medieval Studies 36 (2010): 95-112, pg. 100.

Innocent VIII (1669).  Id nostril cordis. Histoire générale des Eglises Evangeliques des Vallées du Piemont ou Vaudoises. Pg.  8.

James 4:7-9. The Bible. Authorized (King James) Version (AKJV).

Jean Guiraud, St. Dominic (London: Duckworth, 1901), pg. 66. From the Papal Bull dated 19 April, 1213.

“Letter from William W. Phelps, 1 May 1834.” The Joseph Smith Papers. https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/letter-from-william-w-phelps-1-may-1834/1.https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/letter-from-william-w-phelps-1-may-1834/1. Accessed 4 Mar 2020.

Matthew 21:10-17. The Bible. New International Version (NIV).

Matthew 5:13. The Bible. King James Version (KJV).

McGlynn, Sean. “The Song of the Cathar Wars: A History of the Albigensian Crusade by William of Tudela.”  The Catholic Historical Review 83, no. 83, no. 2 (1997): 312-313.

Mills, William G. (1822-1895), “Come, All Ye Saints of Zion,” First LDS Hymnbook 1835, hymn number 40.

“Petition to Congress.” The Latter-day Saint’s Millennial Star, No. 28, vol XVII. Saturday, July 14, 1855. Reprinted from the History of Joseph Smith, a copy of the ‘petition to Congress for redress of our Missouri difficulties.’

“Polygamy and Utah,” The Latter-day Saint’s Millennial Star, No. 8, vol XVII. Saturday, February 24, 1855.

Peter of les Vaux-de-Cernay. The History of the Albigensian Crusade. Edited and translated by W. A. Sibly and M. D. Sibly. Woodbridge, UK: 1998. §226.

Phelps, William (1792-1872), “Praise to the Man,” LDS Hymnal, #27.

Phelps, William W. (1792–1872).“Come, All Ye Saints of Zion.” First LDS Hymnbook 1835, #38.

Pope Innocent III. “Quia Maior.” Patrologia Latina. Ed. Migne, vol. 216.

Pratt, Orson. “Valley of God.” Journal of Discourses 18:343.

Scholz, B.W. (trans). Royal Frankish Annals. University of Michigan Press, 1970.

Smith, Joseph Fielding.  Life of Joseph F. Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1938. Pg. 340.

Smith, Joseph. History of the Church. Vol. 1.

The Doctrine and Covenants of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Salt Lake City, UT: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1981. Section 57:1-2.

The Doctrine and Covenants of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Salt Lake City, UT: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1981. Section 52:42.

The Ohio Republican. Zanesville, Ohio. Saturday, Aug. 24, 1833.

Turoldus, trans. Burgess, Glenn. The Song of Roland. London, England: Penguin The Song of Roland. London, England: Penguin Books, 1990.

W. G. Mills. “Song.” Deseret News. January 20, 1858.

William J. Purkis  (2014). “Memories of the preaching for the Fifth Crusade in Caesarius of Heisterbach’s  Dialogus miraculorum.”  Journal of Medieval History,  40:3, 329-345. 329-345.

William of Puylaurens. The Chronicle of William of Puylaurens: the Albigensian Crusade and its Aftermath. Trans. W. A. Sibly and M. D. Sibly. Woodbridge, UK: Boydell Press, 2003.

Wylie, James Aitken.  The history of Protestantism. Vol. 2. Cassell Petter & Galpin, 1874. B. 16, ch. 1.

Secondary sources

Alexander, John Kimball. “Tarred and Feathered: Mormons, Memory, and Ritual Violence.” PhD diss., Department of History, University of Utah, 2012.

Adam-Ondi-Ahman.” Emp.Byui.Edu, 2020. http://emp.byui.edu/SATTERFIELDB/PDF/Quotes/Adam-ondi-Ahman.pdf. http://emp.byui.edu/SATTERFIELDB/PDF/Quotes/Adam-ondi-Ahman.pdf. Accessed 6 Mar 2020.

Bauer, John W. “Conflict and Conscience: Ideological War and the Albigensian Crusade.” Masters thesis, United States Military Academy, West Point, New York. 2007.

Baugh, Alexander L. “A call to arms: the 1838 Mormon defense of Northern Missouri.” PhD diss., Brigham Young University, 1996.

Bell, Angela. “Trouble in Zion: the radicalization of Mormon theology, 1831-1839.” PhD diss., University of Missouri–Columbia, 2017.

Brandon G. Kinney. The Mormon War: Zion and the Missouri Extermination Order of 1838. Yardley, Penn.: Westholme Publishing, 2011.

Brown, Samuel Morris. In Heaven as It Is on Earth: Joseph Smith and the Early Mormon Conquest of Death. Oxford University Press, 2011.

Cannon, Mark W. “The crusades against the Masons, Catholics, and Mormons: Separate waves of a common current.”  Brigham Young University Studies 3, no. 3, no. 2 (1961): 23-40.

Cohen, Charles L. “In Heaven as It Is on Earth: Joseph Smith and the Early Mormon Conquest of Death.” (2016): 170-173. Pg. 290.

Crandall, Marilyn J. “The Little and Gardner Hymnal, 1844: A Study of Its Origin and Contribution to the LDS Musical Canon.”  Byu Studies, vol. 44, no. 3, 2005, pp. 136–160.

Crawley, Peter, and Richard L. Anderson. “The Political and Social Realities of Zion’s Camp.”  Brigham Young University Studies 14, no. 14, no. 4 (1974): 406-420.

Elaine Pagels. Beyond Belief: the Secret Gospel of Thomas. New York: Random House, 2003.

Frampton, T. Ward. “’Some Savage Tribe’: Race, Legal Violence, and the Mormon War of 1838.”  Journal of Mormon History 40, no. 40, no. 1 (2014): 175-207.

Gaposchkin, M. Cecilia. “RESEARCH PROPOSAL: CRUSADE, LITURGY, IDEOLOGY, AND DEVOTION (1095-1400).” Neh.gov, Research Grant FB-56015-12.

Gaposchkin, M. Cecilia.  Invisible weapons: liturgy and the making of crusade ideology. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2017.

Gaskill, Alonzo L. (2013), “Michael G. Reed’s Banishing the Cross: The Emergence of a Mormon Taboo [Book Review],” BYU Studies Quarterly, 52 (4): 185.

Givens, Terryl. The viper on the hearth: Mormons, myths, and the construction of heresy. Oxford University Press, 2013.

Gordon S. Wood, “Evangelical America and Early Mormonism,” New York History 61 (October 1980).

Grow, Matthew J. “The Whore of Babylon and the Abomination of Abominations: Nineteenth-Century Catholic and Mormon Mutual Perceptions and Religious Identity.” Church History 73, no. Church History 73, no. 1 (2004): 139–67.

Grow, Matthew J.. “The Suffering Saints: Thomas L. Kane, Democratic Reform, and the Mormon Question in Antebellum America.” Journal of the Early Republic 29 (2009): 681 – 710.

Grow, Matthew J.. “The Suffering Saints: Thomas L. Kane, Democratic Reform, and the Mormon Question in Antebellum America.” Journal of the Early Republic 29 (2009): 681 – 710.

Grua, David W., “Memoirs of the Persecuted: Persecution, Memory, and the West as a Mormon Refuge” (2008).  Theses and Dissertations, Brigham Young University.

Hartley, William G. “Missouri’s 1838 Extermination Order and the Mormons’ Forced Removal to Illinois.” Mormon Historical Studies 2, no. Mormon Historical Studies 2, no. 1 (2001): 5-27.

Hertzberg, Benjamin R. “Just War and Mormon Ethics.” Mormon Studies Review 1 (2014): 144-154.

Hertzberg, Benjamin R. “Just War and Mormon Ethics.” Mormon Studies Review 1 (2014): 144-154.

Hicks, Michael.  Mormonism and music: A history. Vol. 489. University of Illinois Press, 2003. Pg. 20, quoting Alexander Campbell.

Howlett, David J.  Kirtland temple: The biography of a shared Mormon sacred space. University of Illinois Press, 2014.

Largey, Zachary L. “The Rhetoric of Persecution: Mormon Crisis Rhetoric from 1838-1871.” (2006). Theses and Dissertations, Brigham Young University. Pg. 67.

Moore, John, ed.  Pope Innocent III and his world. Routledge, 2016.

Moore, Robert I. Moore, Robert I. The formation of a persecuting society: authority and deviance in Western Europe 950-1250. John Wiley & Sons, 2008. Pg.

“Mapping the Global Muslim Population.” 2009.  Pew Research Center’s Religion & Public Life Project. https://www.pewforum.org/2009/10/07/mapping-the-global-muslim-population/.https://www.pewforum.org/2009/10/07/mapping-the-global-muslim-population/. Accessed 7 Mar 2020.

Nickerson, Hoffman. The Inquisition. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1923. Pg. 35.

Nunn, Alexis, “The Albigensian Crusade: The Intersection of Religious and Political Authority in Languedoc (1209-1218)” (2017). WWU Honors Program Senior Projects. 57. Pg. 1.

O’Carroll, Michael.  Veni Creator Spiritus: A Theological Encyclopedia of the Holy Spirit. Liturgical Press, 1990. Pg. 65.

Power, Daniel. “Who went on the Albigensian Crusade?.” The English Historical Review 128, no. The English Historical Review 128, no. 534 (2013): 1047-1085.

Reeve, W. Paul, and Ardis E. Parshall, eds. Reeve, W. Paul, and Ardis E. Parshall, eds. Mormonism: A Historical Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO, 2010. Pg. 103.

Rist, Rebecca, “Salvation and the Albigensian Crusade: Pope Innocent III and the plenary indulgence,” Reading Medieval Studies, pg.  Reading Medieval Studies, pg. 95.

Rist, Rebecca. “Salvation and the Albigensian Crusade: Pope Innocent III and the plenary indulgence.” Reading Medieval Studies  Reading Medieval Studies 36 (2010): 95-112.

“Statistics and Church Facts | Total Church Membership.” 2020.  Newsroom.Churchofjesuschrist.Org. https://newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org/facts-and-statistics.https://newsroom.churchofjesuschrist.org/facts-and-statistics. Accessed 3/7/20.

Shannon, Albert Clement. The Popes and Heresy in the Thirteenth Century. Villanova, Pennsylvania: Augustinian Press, 1949. Pg. 37.

Sibly, W.A.; Sibly, M.D. (2003). The Chronicle of William of Puylaurens: The Albigensian Crusade and Its Aftermath. Woodbridge, Suffolk, England, UK: The Boydell Press. pp. 127–128.

Simonis, Lorraine Marie Alice. “The Kingdom, the Power and the Glory: The Albigensian Crusade and the Subjugation of the Languedoc (thesis).” (2014). Pg. 14.

Smith, Thomas W. “How to craft a crusade call: Pope Innocent III and Quia maior (1213).” Historical Research 92, no. Historical Research 92, no. 255 (2019): 2-23. Pg. 6.

Spencer, Thomas M., ed.  The Missouri Mormon Experience. University of Missouri Press, 2010. Pg. 50-51.

Stegner, Wallace Earle.  The gathering of Zion: the story of the Mormon trail. University of Nebraska Press, 1964. Pg. vii.

Stephen C. LeSueur. The 1838 Mormon War in Missouri. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1987. Pg. 247. Citing Affidavit of David Frampton, in Mormon Redress Petitions, 209-210.

Uebel, Michael. “Unthinking the Monster: Twelfth-Century Responses to Saracen Alterity,” Monster Theory: Reading Culture, ed. Jeffrey Jerome Cohen. (1996): 264-91.

Walker, Jeffrey N. “Mormon Land Rights in Caldwell and Daviess Counties and the Mormon Conflict of 1838: New Findings and New Understandings.” BYU Studies Quarterly 47, no. BYU Studies Quarterly 47, no. 1 (2008).

Winston, Kimberly. “Contested Sacred Space USA: Conflict And Cooperation In The Heartland – Religion News Service.” 2017.  Religion News Service. https://religionnews.com/2017/08/11/contested-sacred-space-usa-conflict-and-cooperation-in-the-heartland/. Accessed 7 Mar 2020.

  1. Reeve, W. Paul, and Ardis E. Parshall, eds. Mormonism: A Historical Encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO, 2010. Pg. 103.
  2. Clayton, William (1814-1879). “Come, Come Ye Saints.” Manchester Hymnal, English. Salt Lake City, Utah, USA. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. 1840. 1912, 25th Edition (last known). 385 songs. The lyrics were written in 1846.
  3. “Innocent III, Quia Maior, 1213.” As found in Bird, Jessalynn, Edward Peters, and James M. Powell, eds. Crusade and Christendom: Annotated Documents in Translation from Innocent III to the Fall of Acre, 1187-1291. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013. Accessed March 7, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt3fh9x5.
  4. Gaposchkin, M. Cecilia. “RESEARCH PROPOSAL: CRUSADE, LITURGY, IDEOLOGY, AND DEVOTION (1095-1400).” Neh.gov, Research Grant FB-56015-12. Pg. 1.
  5. Gaposchkin, M. Cecilia. Invisible weapons: liturgy and the making of crusade ideology. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2017.
  6. Moore, John, ed. Pope Innocent III and his world. Routledge, 2016. Ch. 22, pg. 1.
  7. Power, Daniel. “Who went on the Albigensian Crusade?.” The English Historical Review 128, no. 534 (2013): 1047-1085. Pg. 1076.
  8. Gaposchkin, Invisible Weapons, 203.
  9. Shannon, Albert Clement. The Popes and Heresy in the Thirteenth Century. Villanova, Pennsylvania: Augustinian Press, 1949. Pg. 37.
  10. Rist, Rebecca. “Salvation and the Albigensian Crusade: Pope Innocent III and the plenary indulgence.” Reading Medieval Studies 36 (2010): 95-112.
  11. Ephesians 4:9, The Bible, New International Version (NIV).
  12. Nickerson, Hoffman. The Inquisition. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1923. Pg. 35.
  13. “Innocent III, Quia Maior, 1213.” In Crusade and Christendom: Annotated Documents in Translation from Innocent III to the Fall of Acre, 1187-1291, edited by Bird Jessalynn, Peters Edward, and Powell James M., 107-12. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013.
  14. “Innocent III, Quia Maior, 1213,” in Crusade and Christendom, ed. Jessalyn et al.
  15. Ibid.
  16. Pope Innocent III, “Quia Maior,” Patrologia Latina, ed. Migne, vol. 216, col. 821.
  17. Ibid.
  18. Uebel, Michael. “Unthinking the Monster: Twelfth-Century Responses to Saracen Alterity,” Monster Theory: Reading Culture, ed. Jeffrey Jerome Cohen. (1996): 264-91. Pg. 268.
  19. Baugh, Alexander L. “A call to arms: the 1838 Mormon defense of Northern Missouri.” PhD diss., Brigham Young University, 1996. Pg. 26.
  20. Bell, pg. 25.
  21. Left: From Milton-Edwards, Beverley. “Jerusalem: Securing Spaces In Holy Places.” Brookings, 201.. https://www.brookings.edu/opinions/jerusalem-securing-spaces-in-holy-places/. Right: Winston, Kimberly. “Contested Sacred Space USA: Conflict And Cooperation In The Heartland – Religion News Service.” 2017. Religion News Service. https://religionnews.com/2017/08/11/contested-sacred-space-usa-conflict-and-cooperation-in-the-heartland/. Accessed 3/7/20.
  22. The Doctrine and Covenants of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Salt Lake City, UT: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1981. Section 57:1-2.
  23. Smith, Joseph Fielding. Life of Joseph F. Smith. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1938. Pg. 340.
  24. Howlett, David J. Kirtland temple: The biography of a shared Mormon sacred space. University of Illinois Press, 2014.
  25. “Valley of God” in the Adamic language — Encyclopedia of Mormonism, Vol. 1, which cites Journal of Discourses 18:343 (Orson Pratt).
  26. “Adam-Ondi-Ahman.” Emp.Byui.Edu, 2020. http://emp.byui.edu/SATTERFIELDB/PDF/Quotes/Adam-ondi-Ahman.pdf. Accessed 6 Mar 2020.
  27. Winston, Kimberly. “Contested Sacred Space USA: Conflict And Cooperation In The Heartland – Religion News Service.” 2017. Religion News Service. https://religionnews.com/2017/08/11/contested-sacred-space-usa-conflict-and-cooperation-in-the-heartland/. Accessed 3/7/20.
  28. Bell, Angela. “Trouble in Zion: the radicalization of Mormon theology, 1831-1839.” PhD diss., University of Missouri–Columbia, 2017. Pg. 9.
  29. Gordon S. Wood, “Evangelical America and Early Mormonism,” New York History 61 (October 1980). Pg. 380.
  30. Crawley, Peter, and Richard L. Anderson. “The Political and Social Realities of Zion’s Camp.” Brigham Young University Studies 14, no. 4 (1974): 406-420.
  31. Daniel Ashby, James Keyte, and Sterling Price (Brunswick, Missouri), “Letter to Governor Lilburn W. Boggs” (Jefferson City, Missouri), September 1, 1838, in Mormon War Papers 1837-41, Missouri State Archives.
  32. “Petition to Congress,” The Latter-day Saint’s Millennial Star, No. 28, vol XVII. Saturday, July 14, 1855. Reprinted from the History of Joseph Smith, a copy of the ‘petition to Congress for redress of our Missouri difficulties.’
  33. “Polygamy and Utah,” The Latter-day Saint’s Millennial Star, No. 8, vol XVII. Saturday, February 24, 1855.
  34. Brown, Samuel Morris. In Heaven as It Is on Earth: Joseph Smith and the Early Mormon Conquest of Death. Oxford University Press, 2011. Pg. 289.
  35. Bird, Jessalynn, Edward Peters, and James M. Powell, eds. Crusade and Christendom: annotated documents in translation from Innocent III to the fall of Acre, 1187-1291. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013. Pg. 454.
  36. Crandall, Marilyn J. “The Little and Gardner Hymnal, 1844: A Study of Its Origin and Contribution to the LDS Musical Canon.” Byu Studies, vol. 44, no. 3, 2005, pp. 136–160. Pg. 138.
  37. Bell, pg. 2.
  38. Daviess County Circuit Court Records, C2690, p. 3.
  39. Matthew 5:13, The Bible, King James Version (KJV).
  40. Daviess County Circuit Court Records, C2690, p. 4
  41. Frampton, T. Ward. “’Some Savage Tribe’: Race, Legal Violence, and the Mormon War of 1838.” Journal of Mormon History 40, no. 1 (2014): 175-207. Pg. 194.

  42. The Doctrine and Covenants of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Salt Lake City, UT: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1981. Section 52:42.
  43. Bird, Jessalynn, Edward Peters, and James M. Powell, eds. Crusade and Christendom: annotated documents in translation from Innocent III to the fall of Acre, 1187-1291. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013. Pg. 40.
  44. Bird et al, pg. 5.
  45. Frampton, pg. 195.
  46. Largey, Zachary L. “The Rhetoric of Persecution: Mormon Crisis Rhetoric from 1838-1871.” (2006). Theses and Dissertations, Brigham Young University. Pg. 67.
  47. “History, 1838–1856, volume A-1 [23 December 1805–30 August 1834],” p. 475, The Joseph Smith Papers, accessed March 4, 2020. https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/history-1838-1856-volume-a-1-23-december-1805-30-august-1834/481.
  48. Grua, David W., “Memoirs of the Persecuted: Persecution, Memory, and the West as a Mormon Refuge” (2008). Theses and Dissertations, Brigham Young University. Pg. 17.
  49. Grua, pg. 17.
  50. Grow, Matthew J.. “The Suffering Saints: Thomas L. Kane, Democratic Reform, and the Mormon Question in Antebellum America.” Journal of the Early Republic 29 (2009): 681 – 710. Pg. 682.
  51. Cordon, Alfred. “Times and Seasons, 16 May 1842, vol 3, no 14” p. 793, The Joseph Smith Papers, accessed March 4, 2020, https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/times-and-seasons-16-may-1842/11
  52. Cordon, Alfred, “Times and Seasons,” p. 793, The Joseph Smith Papers.
  53. Hicks, Michael. Mormonism and music: A history. Vol. 489. University of Illinois Press, 2003. Pg. 20, quoting Alexander Campbell.
  54. Peter of les Vaux-de-Cernay. The History of the Albigensian Crusade. Edited and translated by W. A. Sibly and M. D. Sibly. Woodbridge, UK: 1998. §226. Pg. 116. Continued quote: “…, those who recited the psalms more than those who attacked them, those who prayed more than those who sought to wound.”
  55. O’Carroll, Michael. Veni Creator Spiritus: A Theological Encyclopedia of the Holy Spirit. Liturgical Press, 1990. Pg. 65.
  56. Alexander, John Kimball. “Tarred and Feathered: Mormons, Memory, and Ritual Violence.” PhD diss., Department of History, University of Utah, 2012. Pg. 8.
  57. Moore, Robert I. The formation of a persecuting society: authority and deviance in Western Europe 950-1250. John Wiley & Sons, 2008. Pg.
  58. Cannon, Mark W. “The crusades against the Masons, Catholics, and Mormons: Separate waves of a common current.” Brigham Young University Studies 3, no. 2 (1961): 23-40. Pg. 23.
  59. Cannon, pg. 26.
  60. Cannon, pg. 36.
  61. Hartley, William G. “Missouri’s 1838 Extermination Order and the Mormons’ Forced Removal to Illinois.” Mormon Historical Studies 2, no. 1 (2001): 5-27. Pg. 5.
  62. Frampton, pg. 196.
  63. Brandon G. Kinney. The Mormon War: Zion and the Missouri Extermination Order of 1838. Yardley, Penn.: Westholme Publishing, 2011. 236 pp. Notes, bibliography, index, photographs, maps.
  64. Hartley, Pg. 5.
  65. Frampton, pg. 197.
  66. Sibly, W.A.; Sibly, M.D. (2003). The Chronicle of William of Puylaurens: The Albigensian Crusade and Its Aftermath. Woodbridge, Suffolk, England, UK: The Boydell Press. pp. 127–128.
Categories
Cognitive Science Essays Philosophy

How to be Bad at Phenomenology

This a how-to-guide for my fellow Daseins (simply, human consciousnesses). Do you want to suck at analyzing your first-person experience? Do you want to make lots of terrible inferences about Being based on your limited encounters with certain qualia? Do you want to use language to confuse yourself and everyone around you? Look no further! You’re in the right place.

This guide will teach you everything you need to know to leap into all the common pitfalls in phenomenology. You’ll learn how to use the worst concepts available. You’ll find out how to spin word-traps to bewitch your intelligence and end up stuck in the dead ends of verbal debate. You’ll figure out how to find your blind spots—and then erase them from memory and ignore them forever! You’ll be able to mobilize vagueness, metaphysical speculation, and unnecessary complexity to obfuscate everything you experience! You’ll discover the secrets to complete failure in understanding and describing consciousness! Have no fear. In just a few minutes, you’ll be well on your way to being atrocious at phenomenology – just like me!

gold buddha statue in green knit sweater
Tear down the scaffolding! We’ve done! We’ve figured out consciousness!

What is phenomenology?

My favorite definition of phenomenology, based on a literal translation of the original Greek word Φαινομενολογία (phainómenologos), is “the study of that which appears to the mind.” But this word was first used by German philosophers in the early 19th century, and later the field of phenomenology was established and expanded by Edmund Husserl, Franz Brentano, and their students. Semi-famous phenomenologists include Heidegger, Sartre, Levinas, Merleau-Ponty, and more.

Also, qualia can be understood as units of subjective experience. They are the element of “what it is like,” the introspectively accessible, phenomenal aspects of an experience. For instance, ‘biting into a red apple,’ or ‘staring at a patterned turquoise wall,’ or ‘feeling confused about the world’ are all qualia, with escalating levels of complexity. The American pragmatist C.S. Peirce introduced the term ‘quale’ into philosophy in 1866. A synonym for quale is “phenomenal character.”

Fundamentally, phenomenology is a method. It is a way of thinking about the world where we focus on our first-person experience. Instead of emphasizing the focus areas of traditional philosophy— abstractions, logical structures, knowledge, ethics, etc— phenomenology looks at something closer to home: what does your consciousness feel like, from your perspective? Husserl also called this descriptive psychology. Now, “what the best methods of phenomenology are” is pretty hotly debated amongst philosophers, but I’m gonna ignore most of that here of course.

In modern analytic philosophy of mind and many other mainstream contexts, “phenomenology” is used simply to refer to the art of analyzing and describing your personal experience. (See this paper on applied phenomenology). So, for example, ‘psychedelic phenomenology’ is the art and science of understanding the effects of psychoactive drugs from a first-person experience, and then communicating those effects to others in clear, crisp ways.

1. Never bracket out metaphysics.

In Husserl’s phenomenological method (called the epoché), all of metaphysics and ontology are “bracketed out.” What does that mean?Well, questions about the nature of reality, like “but is this apple real,” “does God exist,” “are we in a simulation,” “what is the correct approach to ethics,” and more, are all put aside for a moment. We don’t take a position on them. We don’t say Yes or No to these questions, and we don’t affirm or negate them. Rather, we just leave these questions to rest in their quotation marks. Instead, the phenomenologist focuses on what is accessible to them from the immediacy of their own experience: what does it feel like to crunch into the apple? What am I feeling right now? How do I encounter the apple, and how does it ‘apprehend itself’ to me? As Husserl wrote:

“Every intellectual experience, indeed every experience ever, can be made into an object of pure seeing and apprehension while it is occurring.”

Husserl, The Idea of Phenomenology, Lecture II

Through the epoché, we escape what Husserl called the captivation-in-an-acceptedness. We no longer passively accept all of our beliefs, meaning-structures, and metaphysical-frameworks, but neither do we actively negate them. We instead put them aside temporarily, and try to focus on the raw experience as we experience it.

A bad phenomenologist is like a person at a theatre who keeps yelling at the actors, asking them questions about reality: “do you really think you’re representing the figures you’re acting out?” “What’s your real name?” “Is this plot good for our children?” This person isn’t content with bracketing those questions until after the play and just experiencing the drama, watching the plot, the stage elements, the lighting intently and with focus. Instead, they wanna figure out the metaphysics of it all. This obnoxious character is exactly who you should emulate.

So, toss all that Husserl bullshit out the window. Defenestrate it; we don’t need it. From now on, whenever you experience something, just ignore what it feels like. Focus instead on speculating about the metaphysics of that experience. When you bite into an apple, don’t even pause for a second to taste it. Just immediately leap into wondering what it’s made out of – is it atoms? Quarks? Monads? Fire and ice? Start posing a flurry of ethical quandaries – it ethical to eat apples when the food industry is a monopoly? Wonder about the social implications of your experience – “what would Tammi think of me eating this apple right now?”

Always pass judgement on the experience before it’s even run its course. Put everything in neat and tidy categories before giving the experience a chance to unfold. By the time you’re done, you’ll be so lost in abstractions and in-your-head that what the experience is like – the qualia – will be completely out of the picture. Perfect. You’re doing great so far.

sliced apple fruit on ground
Did the Greeks eat apples? I wonder how the small nuclear force works..does God control time? Who’s the best current NBA player? These are definitely the right questions to ask when doing phenomenology.

2. Always assume that your personal experience reflects the limits of possible experience.

Our motto: if you haven’t experienced it, it can’t exist.

That means that anytime you hear someone discussing “rare qualia varieties,” you can ignore whatever they’re saying. The limits of your experience are the limits of the possible universe.

Shakespeare’s Hamlet said “There are more things in heaven and earth, Horatio, than are dreamt of in your philosophy.” He’s dead wrong. If you haven’t sensed it, dreamt it, or felt it at some point, no one can experience it, and it can’t possibly be real. If you feel time moves forward, then there’s not a chance time can move backward. If you always apprehend the world with your own identity at the center, that’s the reality: your closed individual identity is real, and you’re just the center of the world. If you’ve only ever seen a given range of colors and smells, there isn’t anything beyond that range. Maybe animals or other types of sentient beings have a wealth of qualia with which the human world may have nothing to compare? Not a chance. Your experience is the World.

Assume that you experience reality directly. You have unique, privileged, and transcendental access to the Real.™ This metaphysical Truth is disclosed to you, directly, unambiguously, and without misrepresentation or nuance, through your experience. That’s just the way it is. 🤷‍♂️ When you speak about your experience, never use the word “I.” That’s too subjective. You should always use the royal We or generalize your experience to all human beings. Speak objectively.

3. Ignore all socialization and Being-in-the-World.

You are the Transcendental Subject, a detached mind that confronts Reality™ as it truly is. There’s not a chance that your social context has influenced the way in which you apprehend the world. You are a God. Searle was so tragically, hopelessly wrong when he said:

“God could not see screwdrivers, cars, bathtubs, etc., because intrinsically speaking there are no such things. Rather, God would see us treating certain objects as screwdrivers, cars, bathtubs, etc. But . . . our standpoint [is] the standpoint of beings who are not gods but are inside the world.”

Searle, The Construction of Social Reality, 12,

Likewise, Heidegger was playing a fool when he argued that things in the world are already meaningful, with meanings defined by Das Man (The They). He was an idiot when he said that The They influence and constrain the scope of possibilities, limiting our access to the state-space of consciousness. He said that from the start, we are socialized into a world in which we cope with equipment. Don’t pay any attention to this garbage analysis:

“The domination of the public way in which things have been interpreted has already decided upon even the possibilities of being attuned, that is, about the basic way in which Dasein lets itself be affected by the world. The They prescribes that attunement, it determines what and how one sees.

Martin Heidegger, Being and Time

Rather, you are the one who assigns meanings to everything. Before you, meaning did not exist! Thus, there’s not a chance that contingent social and structural conditions (your facticity) could affect your first-person experience of the world. Take your concepts for granted, and assume that they are untainted, true, and ideal.

Note: I admit that my phenomenological analysis of love is riddled with rookie mistakes – after all, I mentioned social conditions. What garbage! I should’ve focused on the transcendental Truth.

4. Use the most vague, obscurantist language you can get your hands on.

Look at this passage:

“He had stayed so close that the old man was afraid he would cut the line with his tail which was sharp as a scythe and almost of that size and shape. When the old man had gaffed her and clubbed her, holding the rapier bill with its sandpaper edge and clubbing her across the top of her head until her colour turned to a colour almost like the backing of mirrors, and then, with the boy’s aid, hoisted her aboard, the male fish had stayed by the side of the boat. Then, while the old man was clearing the lines and preparing the harpoon, the male fish jumped high into the air beside the boat to see where the female was and then went down deep, his lavender wings, that were his pectoral fins, spread wide and all his wide lavender stripes showing. He was beautiful, the old man remembered, and he had stayed.”

Ernest Hemingway, The Old Man and the Sea

This is an example of what you should not do. Look how few abstractions he makes! Look how he keeps his sentences short, clear, descriptive, and focused on the experience. If you want to be a bad phenomenologist, you need to learn to use longer words, more difficult-to-understand sentences, and infinitely convoluted abstractions. Never be content with a simple description of “what it was like”! Always go a layer deeper. Use a thesaurus, and translate your words into their most complex alternatives! And never define your terms! That might give the reader a chance of understanding your experience.

By the end, when someone else reads your writing about a subjective experience, they should say something like this:

“A colossal piece of mystification, which will yet provide posterity with an inexhaustible theme for laughter at our times, that it is a pseudo-philosophy paralyzing all mental powers, stifling all real thinking, and, by the most outrageous misuse of language, putting in its place the hollowest, most senseless, thoughtless, and…most stupefying verbiage.”

Schopenhauer, Arthur (1965). On the Basis of Morality, trans. E.F.J. Payne. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, pp.15–16. Speaking of Hegel.

That’s the type of response you should aim for. Make sure to muddy the waters to make them seem deep!

purple microscopic organisms
Imagine you are scuba diving and encounter these strange, brain-like, eerie structures on the ocean floor. How would you describe this experience? Make sure to use smart-sounding words like “quantum” as much as possible! Never define your terms!

5. Reject all newfangled methods of exploring consciousness.

Today, some researchers in phenomenology use neural correlates of consciousness to try and understand our experience from a neuroscientific perspective. For example, they might ask subjects to go into an fMRI scanner to watch a scary movie, and then track the person’s neural activity. Using our understanding of neural structure and function, these researchers then explain phenomena from a new perspective. They combine pure phenomenological description with a technical description.

This is your brain on happy: Machine can read your emotions - NBC News
These are various fMRI scans of emotional states. (source)

Others, like the heretics at the Qualia Research Institute, venture to figure out the properties of the mathematical object isomorphic to our conscious experience. Could symmetry in this mathematical object be related to the “goodness” or “badness” (valence) of a quale? Could psychedelic experiences reveal substantial insights about consciousness, or broaden the scope of our possible experience?

Some even argue that phenomenology should move beyond language itself! They say that the best representations of experience should be varied and multi-modal, using every means of expression available — from poetry to philosophical prose to painting and drawing to animation and music and film and virtual reality and beyond. The tyranny of linguistic expression may prevent us from understanding consciousness and may limit the expression of people who have talents outside writing. Perhaps we should even develop entirely new and unforeseen ways of expressing!

Stay away from these innovations. As the best thinkers have always said, adherence to tradition is the key to progress and Truth. Here, it’s important that you listen to The They. Let the Man tell you how to think. Don’t stray from the beaten path.

Go forth and obscure!

aerial photography of clouds
Keep your descriptions as foggy as this landscape – but don’t let any islands of clarity peek through the clouds!

That’s enough for now. If you want to learn more about how to be a shit phenomenologist, I’d recommend reading as much obscurantist writing as you can find and copying the technique. Above all, remember, don’t focus on your own experience in the present moment — constantly engage in rampant metaphysical conjecture & abstraction. Make sure to stay away from the things-in-themselves!

Categories
Essays Philosophy

Pain in the Machine

Pain intuitively seems to be a humanizing experience, unique to living beings: it is sometimes said that agony makes one feel “alive.” Could robots experience pain as well? The possibility that an artificial system could feel pain is becoming more conceivable as manmade machinery increases in complexity. I will argue for the limited thesis that artificially intelligent robots can feel pain. First, I will modify Lewis’ functionalist solution to the problems of mad pain and Martian pain and apply it to the case of robot pain. Then, I will review Searle’s and Ziff’s criticisms of functionalism and respond in defense of the existence of robot pain.

What are robots? What is pain?

The outcome of this question rests on the meanings of the term “robot” and the predicate “feel pain.” A robot is defined as a non-biological machine controlled by a formal program. My paradigm case of a robot is a mechanical body which is moved by an artificial intelligence trained on an immense dataset of pain stimuli and their normal human responses. For instance, if the robot’s body is burned, it behaves like a human: screeching, flinching away, and avoiding the source of the burning. Second, what is “pain”? It is fundamentally a feeling, a phenomenal experience. But as Lewis points out, a state being pain and a state feeling painful are logically one and the same.[1] This is a critical concept for our task. After all, while it is impossible to know what it feels like to be a robot without being a robot, it is possible to show that a robot is in a state of pain. A robot being in pain is equivalent to a robot feeling pain.

A causal role is a state with certain typical causes and effects. For example, pain is caused by physical harm, and has behavioral effects like screaming or flinching. This is pain’s causal role. As stipulated above, artificially intelligent robots (henceforth called AIRs) could occupy the causal role of pain just like humans, acting out the appropriate behaviors in response to painful stimuli. In fact, researchers at Cornell have already developed a robot nervous system that behaves as if it is feeling pain when its artificial tissues are stimulated – e.g. reflexively withdrawing from the source of the pain.[2] This does not solve the dilemma of robot pain, as we are not merely asking if robots can display certain behaviors in response to pain stimuli, but if the robots are actually in pain. But what does that mean?

painting of man
What characterizes pain? A large part of it is the behavioral response.

An individual is in pain if and only if it is in a state that occupies the causal role of pain for its appropriate population. Pain is a nonrigid concept, which means that the word pain could correctly apply to different physical states for different populations, as long as the state occupies the causal role of pain for the population being referred to. Therefore, if I show that robots can be in the state that occupies the causal role of pain for the appropriate population of robots, this demonstrates that robots feel pain.

Akin to Lewis’ Martian,[3] a robot’s brain has an entirely different physical realization than a human nervous system. It is composed of sensors, metal apparatuses, and silicon-based chips rather than neurons and other wetware. Despite having radically different anatomy, robots as a population can still have a state that occupies the causal role of pain – a certain configuration of flipped bits and activated sensors that is activated by pain stimuli and results in pain-response behaviors. Just as a pattern of neurons firing is pain for humans, and inflation of certain hydraulic cavities is pain for Martians, the state involving the activation of a certain pattern of silicon bits is pain for robots. To say that a robot is feeling pain is to say that it is in this physical state, if this physical state occupies the causal role of pain for the appropriate population of that robot.

Appropriate population

But what is the appropriate population for a robot? Lewis offers four criteria to determine the appropriate population (AP) for an individual X:

  1. The AP is the human population, as “pain” is a human concept.
  2. The AP is the population X belongs to.
  3. The AP is a population where X is not exceptional.
  4. The AP is a natural kind like a species.

A given robot X cannot fulfill (1), as robots are not in the human population. For (2), we can say X belongs to the population of all robots or only to some subdivision of this population – e.g. Boston Dynamics robots. If we group all robots until one population, this group is a natural kind – a sort of silicon-based species. However, any subdivisions within the robot population would be based on arbitrary human classifications like the operating system, model, or design of the robot. Therefore, it is preferable to treat “all robots,” a natural kind, as the appropriate population for robot X. Finally, if the robot is unexceptional amongst all robots, it fulfills criteria 3.

A note on exceptionality

white and brown human robot illustration
Which, if any robots, can feel pain?

Of course, currently a robot that responds to pain is exceptional. However, there is a conceivable future world where most robots are designed with a state that occupies the causal role of pain. In this world, it would be correct to say that a robot in that state is in pain. This demonstrates the thesis: I have shown that robots can feel pain, given that there is a state that occupies the causal role of pain for most robots.

This may seem like conceptual slight-of-hand. But imagine a world where 99% of humans respond to pain stimuli by immediately searching for juice. For these imagined humans (i-humans), there is no state that occupies the causal role of pain. Rather, juice-seeking has replaced the causal role of pain.

It may be natural to say that the 1% of i-humans who do not have the condition, and still respond to pain like humans do (e.g. yelping and avoidance), are feeling pain. But this would be a mistake: we are not the appropriate population for these humans. In this thought experiment, we (humans) do not exist, and the 1% are exceptional within their (i-human) population. Pain is definitionally a state that occupies the causal role of pain for an appropriate population. For the unexceptional i-humans, there is no state that occupies the causal role of pain.

In the same sense, robots do not feel pain currently, as there is no such state that occupies the causal role of pain for the robot population. But the future, this could change. Therefore, robots can feel pain.

An objection from Searle & Ziff

Searle may dispute this conclusion. In his critique of functionalism, he posits that computers cannot think, even if they replicate the behavior of a thinking mind.[4] A mind is more than just a structure that gives certain outputs for specific inputs (syntax). It also has meanings associated with these inputs and outputs (semantics). Syntax alone is not sufficient for semantics. Thus, robots cannot feel pain, as they are based on formal syntactic programs (strings of binary) that do not include the semantics or “meaning” of pain.

To clarify this argument, imagine a modified version of Searle’s Chinese room. In this version, the Pain Room, there are baskets with detailed descriptions of the typical human response to every single pain stimulus. Imagine a person who is incapable of feeling pain, has no concept of what pain stimuli mean, and does not know the normal responses to pain. However, in the Pain Room, this person is given a video of a pain stimulus, like a hand touching fire. After watching the video, they search through the baskets to find a description of the appropriate human response, and then they act this response out. Eventually, the pain-incapable person perfects this process so much that their behaviors are indistinguishable from a human who genuinely feels pain.

Does this person feel pain? In Searle’s view, the answer is no. This person only has a formal program that allows them to act out the appropriate responses to pain. But feeling pain is not just about behaving in response to stimuli – it involves having meaning or qualia attached to each pain stimuli. Since the person in the Pain Room is just correlating videos of pain stimuli with muscle movements, they are functionally identical to an AIR trained on a massive dataset of pain stimuli and responses. This robot can use its formal program to respond to pain in a way indistinguishable from humans. However, if the person in the Pain Room cannot feel pain, this robot cannot feel pain either.

Ziff offers a similar criticism. He admits that robots could display the observable behavior of feeling pain.[5] But like Searle, he argues that even if nothing is wrong with the robot’s performance, the fact that it is a performance means the robot is not feeling pain. The distinguishing feature between human pain and “robot pain” is what we know about the robot (the fact that it is performing) and not what we see (the flawless performance). As the robot is just acting out a formal program written by a human, it is not feeling anything.

With slightly different conceptual tools Ziff and Searle are both arguing that a robot’s behavioral rendition of pain is not enough to say that the robot is feeling pain. But these critiques are equally applicable to other minds. Ziff claims that the difference between robot and human pain is that we “know” the robot is just performing. But how do we know that other humans are experiencing pain? Only by their behavior, it seems, and cross-application of our own experience to beings that seem similar to us. If a robot and a human have identical behavior in responding to a pain stimulus, we cannot remain logically consistent in saying that the human is experiencing “genuine pain” while the robot is not. Additionally, it seems intuitive that perfectly imitating a response to pain would be impossible if one was not feeling pain. Unless the robot or Pain Room person were genuinely feeling pain, it seems there would always be subtle giveaways that it was merely an act.

Searle could say that a robot’s action is just the product of a syntactic program of 1s and 0s. But one could also represent the human brain as a massive set of 1s and 0s where each 1 is an active neuron and each 0 is a non-active neuron. This does not mean the brain is equivalent to this string of binary. Just because one could represent a robot as a binary program does not mean that the robot is a binary program. The program cannot feel pain, but the entire system of a robot interacting with physical stimuli could feel pain. Searle might be right that a program does not have semantics. But a robot interacts with stimuli in the world. Thus, the robot’s physical states could be thought of as intentional, as the states are “about” stimuli. This gives semantics to the syntactic program of the robot.

In conclusion, robots can feel pain because they can have a mental state that occupies the causal role of pain for the population of robots. As robots can have a state that occupies the causal role of pain, that state can be called pain for the population of robots.

  1. Lewis, David K. (1980). Mad pain and Martian pain. In Ned Block (ed.), Readings in the Philosophy of Psychology. Harvard University Press. pp. 216-222.
  2. J. Kuehn and S. Haddadin. An Artificial Robot Nervous System To Teach Robots How To Feel Pain And Reflexively React To Potentially Damaging Contacts. IEEE Robotics and Automation Letters, vol. 2, no. 1, pp. 72-79, Jan. 2017. Print. doi: 10.1109/LRA.2016.2536360
  3. Lewis, David. Mad Pain and Martian Pain. Philosophical Papers Volume I, 1983, pp. 122–130., doi:10.1093/0195032047.003.0009. Print.
  4. Searle, John R. (2002). Can Computers Think? In David J. Chalmers (ed.), Philosophy of Mind: Classical and Contemporary Readings. Oup Usa. Pg. 671. Print.
  5. Paul Ziff. The Feelings of Robots. Analysis. Oxford Academic, Volume 19, Issue 3, January 1959, Pages 64–68, https://doi.org/10.1093/analys/19.3.64. Pg. 68.